英文摘要

AnAnalysisofRegionalEconomicCooperationinNortheastAsiaintheNewEra

PIAOGuangji

Abstract:The progress of regional economic cooperation in Northeast Asia has been very slow, and a cooperation mechanism for overall regional participation has not been established yet.Regional economic cooperation in Northeast Asia is characterized by the rapid development of regional functional cooperation and the fragmentation of regional economic cooperation mechanism.The long-term factors hindering regional economic cooperation in Northeast Asia mainly include the intervention of non-regional factors, lack of political mutual trust and lack of leading countries.The opportunities for regional economic cooperation in Northeast Asia in the new era are the boost of high-quality Belt and Road Initiative cooperation, the spillover effect of COVID-19 and prevention and control cooperation, and the driving effect of the RCEP signing on China-Japan-ROK cooperation.Meanwhile, it also faces the negative impact brought by the U.S. comprehensive strategic competition against China.As major ways to promote economic cooperation in Northeast Asia in the new era, effort should be made to development and win-win cooperation, improve political mutual trust, integrate Belt and Road Initiative with regional cooperation and promote the building of a community of shared future for Northeast Asian countries.

Keywords:Northeast Asia; regional economic cooperation; China-Japan-ROK cooperation; Belt and Road Initiative

OpportunitiesandChallengesofEnergyCooperationRegimeinNortheastAsiaundertheTargetofCarbonPeakandCarbonNeutrality

LIBing

Abstract:Northeast Asia, as an important part of global economic development and energy consumption, has attracted much attention for its energy cooperation practices and regime construction. In recent years, affected by the global awareness of addressing climate change, countries in NEA area have set their net zero carbon emission goals, in order to achieve energy transition steadily through carbon peak and carbon neutrality. The article reviews the traditional energy cooperation regimes in Northeast Asia and summarizes its overall characteristics as “practicable bilateralism”, “ineffective minilateralism” and “idle multilateralism”. The commitment of China, Japan and South Korea to the net zero carbon emission goal, and the acceleration of clean energy transition by Russia, North Korea and Mongolia have promoted the energy transition in Northeast Asia, which bring new opportunities and risks. The transformation of energy cooperation practices in Northeast Asia has also promoted new changes in its cooperation regimes in three dimensions: the utility of minilateral institutions, the knowledge-led multi-layer cooperation network, and the integration and development of international regime in various issue areas. Therefore, governance participation and institutional reforms should be promoted in four aspects, including policy communication, multi-participation, platform construction, and critical mineral resources so as to contribute Chinese wisdom to the Northeast Asian energy cooperation regime.

Keywords:Northeast Asia; energy cooperation; international regime; carbon neutrality; energy transition

CharacteristicsofJapanesePopulisminthe21stCentury

ZHANGJianli

Abstract:In the 21st century, Japanese populism has been peaceful, with radical behaviors such as populism in Europe and America remaining rare. At the level of national politics, Japanese populism acts popular as a political tool for various political forces to cater to the public; At the local level, the linkage of right-wing populism has been strengthened. In the 21st century, the exclusiveness of Japanese populism has also been strengthened. We should be vigilant that Japanese society is coerced into a wrong way.

Keywords:Japan; populism; Neo-liberalism; characteristics

AnAnalysisofJapan’sForeignCaringWorkerPolicyundertheBackgroundofDecliningBirthratesandAgingPopulation

DINGYingshun,ZHAOMing

Abstract:Since Japan entered an aging society in the 1970s, the demographic structure has been greatly changed, and the demand for elderly care service has gradually grown, resulting in a long-term shortage of caring workers. Under the background of insufficient domestic labor supply, the Japanese government has gradually formed a variety of foreign caring worker policies through long-time policy adjustment, including bilateral EPA agreement, skill intern system, in-residence caring qualification and “N0.1 Special Skill Qualification”. Those policies have alleviated the shortage of caring workers in Japan. However, in the context of the current immigration system in Japan and intensifying international talent competition, there remain many problems that reduced the attractiveness of Japan’s policy in introducing more caring workers to the country.

Keywords:birthrate and aging; Japan; foreign caring workforce; COVID-19

NewTrendsinJapan’sForeignEconomicStrategyUndertheCOVID-19

CHANGSichun

Abstract:With the new wave of “de-globalization” pushed by the COVID-19 epidemic and the upcoming reshape of geopolitical and economic pattern in the post-pandemic era, Japan’s foreign economic strategy has also become more proactive. At the global level, Japan is committed to playing a leading role in WTO reform, strengthening cooperation with the United States and Europe, and actively leading the setting of relevant issues and the formulation of international rules. At the regional level, Japan actively promotes the entry into force of RCEP as soon as possible. And it also strives to expand the rule system in its own interest to the entire Asia-Pacific region and even to the global level through CPTPP expansion. At the domestic level, Japan has tightened its economic security policy, improved its mechanism and legal system, and actively joined hands with extra-territorial countries to strengthen supply chain security and export control. As the COVID-19 further accelerates the changes in the international order, Japan’s foreign economic strategy will pay more attention to seizing the dominance of discourse in the formation of international economic rules so that it can possibly take the leadership of international economic and trade competition. Japan will also focus more on integration of economic development into security to strengthen its international competitiveness.

Keywords:COVID-19; WTO Reform; wide-area FTA strategy; economic security and safeguard; supply chain

Japan’sHealthDiplomacytowardsSouthPacificIslandCountries

LIGuohui,GAOZijing

Abstract:Since the end of the cold war, Japan has gradually strengthened its influence in the South Pacific region. In 1997, Japan and the South Pacific island countries established a high-level exchange mechanism of holding a summit every three years. At the previous summits, the topic of health cooperation has attracted much attention. Based on the consensus of the summit, Japan and the South Pacific island countries have formed many agreements on health issue cooperation and carried out a variety of cooperation programs in fields of technical cooperation, financial support, personnel exchange, talent training and other means. Japan’s actively promoting health cooperation with South Pacific island countries is the result of the comprehensive influence of multiple factors, among which there are the need to implement the “Japan international health strategy” and the “Indo-Pacific strategy”, the intention to consider comprehensive security and expand the overseas functions of the self defense force and the aim to obtain more international supporters to gain advantage in the current international competition.

Keywords:Japan; South Pacific island countries; health cooperation; motivation

TheDebateoverPoliticalLineswithinJapan’sLiberalDemocraticPartyandChina-JapanRelations

LIANDegui

Abstract：On October 4, 2021, Fumio Kishida became Prime Minister of Japan, which means that Kochikai, a moderate poltical faction with Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party, returning to power after 30 years. The rising political game between current Prime Minister Kishida and former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and the struggle for power and political lines between Kochikai and Seiwakai indicates that there may be adjustment of Japan’s politics and diplomacy. However, judging from the situation since Kishida took office，the Kishida administration has advocated policies of amending the Constitution and strengthening the military power, and there were many negative trends related to China.Abe leads the biggest faction in the party, and his political influence and position remain prominent.Compared with the past, the current cognition and policy propositions on China in Japan, the ruling and opposition parties and the LDP are similar, but the specific methods and degree of posing pressure on China are different. Kishida’s China policy will continue to be influenced by the rightist political forces in the LDP, and China-Japan relations will present both opportunities and challenges in the future.

Keywords：Japan’s politics；party politics；China-Japan relations

TheLanguageEducationPolicyforFemaleMarriageImmigrantsinSouthKorea

2) 利用外業(yè)實測數(shù)據(jù)，構(gòu)建椒江口水體懸浮泥沙濃度遙感反演模型，對椒江口1995年、2000年、2005年、2010年及2015年懸浮泥沙濃度進(jìn)行反演.結(jié)果表明椒江口水體懸浮泥沙濃度較大，且表現(xiàn)出較高的時空動態(tài)性.

GUOYu

Abstract：The right to language education is an internationally recognized basic right of immigrants, and it has been regarded as an important part of the immigration policies in each country. For host countries, language education constitutes a necessary action and great challenge in fulfilling their international obligations and safeguarding the human rights of immigrants. After years of efforts, a set of language education policy aimed at solving language barriers and social integration problems for female marriage immigrants (including “foreign brides”) has been established and implemented in South Korea. Those policies show the development path of South Korea from a homogeneous society to a multicultural society and are of practical significance for understanding the development of contemporary Korean society.

Keywords：South Korea; language education policy for immigrants; female marriage immigrants; social integration of immigrants

ItoHibrobumi’sConstitutionalismfromtheCommentariesontheConstitutionoftheEmpireofJapan：FocusingontheViewsofStateSystemandRegime

CHENWei

Abstract:In interpreting the Miji Constitution, Ito Hibrobumi had always drawn a line between linguistic expression and practice. On one hand, he advocated Linguistic Expression unlimited authority of the Emperor and recognized the integrity and inalienability of the Emperor’s ruling power, but he also argued that the authority and ruling power, instead of being personal and private, were hereditary and mainly came from the Emperor’s status as the head of state. On the other hand, in practice, he also put the ruling power of the Emperor under his constitutional pursuit, arguing that the Emperor’s power should be subjected to the Constitution and self-discipline and exercised by various organs on the Emperor’s behalf. In short, Ito Hibrobumi’s constitutionalism manifested in “substance” and “application”. The former referred to the state system of Japan as a monarchy country, featuring the Emperor’s divine sovereignty. The latter referred to the constitutional government, characterized by the separation of powers centered around the sovereignty of the Emperor and born out of the function of human body. The state system determined the regime in that the Emperor’s sovereignty was separated by many institutions and mechanisms under the principle of checking the very balance of power. The regime reflected the state system because these institutions and mechanisms exercising powers on the Emperor’s behalf had their powers from the Emperor and they must be accountable for the Emperor.

EmperorShowa’sunderstandingandresponsetotheLugouBridgeIncident:aTextualResearchBasedontheRecordofEmperorShowa

GONGNa

Abstract:Through the interpretation of the Record of Emperor Showa and by comparison with previous historical materials, some details about Emperor Showa’s acknowledgement of the Lugou Bridge Incident. Firstly, Emperor Showa thought that the “Ganchazigou Incident” was the starting point of the Lugou Bridge Incident. Secondly the emperor’s focus then was to prevent the Soviet union from attacking Japan and to unify the military and political power. Thirdly, the emperor’s statement of “compromising to Chiang Kai-shek” was actually an excuse.From the text selection and content analysis of the Annals of the War, the emperor’s attitude and decision towards the Lugou Bridge Incident have two sides. On the surface, the Annals rarely mentions the emperor’s active supervision, but more emphasizes the emperor’s cautious attitude. In fact, the emperor took active action by summoning the chief of staff and making repeated confirmation of the relationship with the Soviet Union that he decided to increase its troops and expand its invasion of China.Relevant historical materials can also prove that those decisions were based on the willingness of Emperor Showa, and his war responsibility should not be neglected.

Keywords:Emperor Showa; Lugou Bridge Incident; Record of Emperor Showa; war responsibility