歐洲地區(qū)后礦業(yè)空間轉(zhuǎn)型的設(shè)計方法

克里斯塔·萊歇爾，卡羅拉·S·諾伊格鮑爾/Christa Reicher, Carola S. Neugebauer

王單單 譯/Translated by Dandan Wang

1 引言

后工業(yè)時代的結(jié)構(gòu)變化及其對社會造成的復(fù)雜影響是一種全球性現(xiàn)象。礦業(yè)集群的衰落和轉(zhuǎn)型便可作為一個例子。后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型是歐洲空間發(fā)展的一個長期的、多層次的、空間差異化的主題。然而，對于歐洲地區(qū)的空間實踐和研究來說，了解這些轉(zhuǎn)變過程以及尋找有前景的方法來構(gòu)想、設(shè)計和建立可持續(xù)的后礦業(yè)地區(qū)仍然是一項重大挑戰(zhàn)。

在這方面，本文論述了從歐洲這一領(lǐng)域吸取的經(jīng)驗教訓(xùn)，通過對應(yīng)用于后礦業(yè)地區(qū)的“設(shè)計和制作”以及改造的方法進行討論而得出結(jié)論。其中，規(guī)劃方法是僅次于其他方法的一項重要干預(yù)方式：如舉辦國際建筑展（IBA）等區(qū)域和策略規(guī)劃方法對于在后礦業(yè)地區(qū)提高可居住性以及支持更廣泛的社會經(jīng)濟發(fā)展非常有價值。然而，這種成功也受到更多因素的制約。以下就以德國魯爾區(qū)為例簡要說明上述結(jié)論。

2 魯爾區(qū)——轉(zhuǎn)型經(jīng)歷

魯爾區(qū)的適航性——鐵路建設(shè)作為早期鋼鐵生產(chǎn)和蒸汽機使用的前提和市場，使得深層開采為19世紀魯爾區(qū)高度工業(yè)化的硬煤開采奠定了基礎(chǔ)?？颂敳⒌偕突羰驳壬贁?shù)家族企業(yè)對于此類發(fā)展有重要影響[1]15。中世紀的杜伊斯堡和多特蒙德發(fā)展為工業(yè)城市，經(jīng)歷了數(shù)次國際移民潮。20 世紀上半葉，隨著硬煤開采的擴張，出現(xiàn)了化工工業(yè)、國防工業(yè)、電力等新興產(chǎn)業(yè)。他們成為了鋼鐵制造業(yè)多產(chǎn)的第二支柱，同時促成了如德古薩、德國萊茵集團和魯爾煤礦公司等大公司的誕生。1956 年，有49.4 萬名員工在采礦業(yè)工作——魯爾地區(qū)的煤炭和鋼鐵工業(yè)在二戰(zhàn)后經(jīng)歷了最后的鼎盛時期[1]。然而，產(chǎn)業(yè)集群也造成了嚴重的環(huán)境破壞，大量的空氣和水被污染，該地區(qū)在社會上留下了極其負面的形象。

在魯爾地區(qū)，1958 年的煤炭危機預(yù)示著后礦業(yè)時代的到來。煤炭危機導(dǎo)致了第一批煤礦產(chǎn)業(yè)的倒閉和裁員：“到了1976 年，煤礦數(shù)量從148 座減少至35 座；產(chǎn)量減半，勞動力降至15 萬人”[1]28。然而，由于二戰(zhàn)后西德的重建熱潮，鋼鐵行業(yè)仍在煤炭危機期間持續(xù)發(fā)展。1980 年代，其他國家的新型競爭產(chǎn)品和替代材料（如塑料）以及1974 年和1975 年的世界經(jīng)濟危機共同引發(fā)了一次鋼鐵危機。魯爾地區(qū)內(nèi)硬煤開采與鋼鐵行業(yè)的衰退和結(jié)構(gòu)變化[2]535就此開始：它開始從工業(yè)向服務(wù)業(yè)以及后來的信息經(jīng)濟過渡，逐漸對該區(qū)域的人口、城市和環(huán)境發(fā)展產(chǎn)生影響。

結(jié)構(gòu)改革的第一階段（1958-1990）主要伴隨著大公司的合理化（過程優(yōu)化）及礦山、工廠的首次倒閉和工人失業(yè)。1974 年起，國家開始補貼煤礦開采。此外，該地區(qū)不僅致力于為青年人提供更好的幫助和支持，同時也考慮到了收入困難的礦工家庭：作為結(jié)構(gòu)性政策項目的產(chǎn)物， 用于提升勞動力水平并推動市場經(jīng)濟的第一批大學(xué)在1965年建立。

3 規(guī)劃未來階段：經(jīng)濟政策和國際建筑展

在行業(yè)衰退階段之后，1990-2000 年這10 年的特點是“組織與規(guī)劃未來”。在經(jīng)濟方面，1990年代末的鋼鐵和煤炭部門進行了進一步重建：這些公司在產(chǎn)品范圍擴大、產(chǎn)品革新、企業(yè)合并及集中場地等方面做出調(diào)整。大型企業(yè)對新產(chǎn)品和新場地進行投資，而新增的失業(yè)崗位也正逐漸被合格的服務(wù)行業(yè)與新型工業(yè)分支（如物流、微系統(tǒng)技術(shù)、信息技術(shù)和生物醫(yī)學(xué)）創(chuàng)造的新崗位所填補。該地區(qū)當時正走向信息經(jīng)濟。國營企業(yè)是這一變革的主要推動力，魯爾地區(qū)經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的示范項目“多特蒙德項目”1）便是一個例子。

如今，由于大學(xué)、研究機構(gòu)、公共基金與傳統(tǒng)或本土大公司的投資之間有了新的密切合作，使得該地區(qū)的“知識型服務(wù)和產(chǎn)品不斷提升”[1]29。盡管新產(chǎn)業(yè)還未完全彌補礦業(yè)和鋼鐵產(chǎn)業(yè)造成的裁員影響，“服務(wù)業(yè)似乎已經(jīng)成功地趕上了整體經(jīng)濟發(fā)展”[2]543。

埃姆舍爾公園國際建筑展以“探討舊工業(yè)區(qū)的未來”為座右銘而建， 坐落在杜伊斯堡和博格坎門之間的埃姆舍爾河沿岸——東西延伸約 70km，南北延伸 15km?？偟膩碚f，IBA 將自己看成一種“綜合區(qū)域發(fā)展”的方式。在這種方式里，該區(qū)域的生態(tài)和文化復(fù)興被視為經(jīng)濟發(fā)展的先決必要條件。尊重工業(yè)遺產(chǎn)，以文化應(yīng)用助力，對當代發(fā)展趨勢持開放態(tài)度。

高爐、廠房、井架、煤礦、煤氣罐和焦化廠是工業(yè)時代最引人注目的建筑特色。隨著礦業(yè)危機的爆發(fā)和結(jié)構(gòu)的逐步變化，這些建筑失去了其原有使用價值，并遺留下如何處理這類工業(yè)遺產(chǎn)的問題。IBA 埃姆舍爾公園的策略是通過賦予工業(yè)用地新功能，將其發(fā)展成魯爾地區(qū)轉(zhuǎn)型的動力來源。IBA 包括100 多個項目；部分項目在本期專輯中會有介紹。

礦業(yè)同盟的前煤礦和焦化廠被拆除，并逐步改造為魯爾博物館——現(xiàn)已成為聯(lián)合國教科文組織的世界遺產(chǎn)，吸引著全球的目光。在IBA 成為促進魯爾地區(qū)工業(yè)文化發(fā)展最重要的國內(nèi)外里程碑后， 整個礦業(yè)同盟于2001 年被列入聯(lián)合國教科文組織的世界文化遺產(chǎn)名錄中。非但不拆除奧伯豪森煤氣罐，反而將其內(nèi)部高度超過100m 的空間視為展覽空間，做出這樣決定需要有超前的想象力與開拓新領(lǐng)域的勇氣。

1 Introduction

Post-industrial structural change with its complex consequences for society is a global phenomenon. The decline and transformation of mining clusters is an example for that. Post-mining transformations are a longstanding, multi-layered and spatially differentiated theme of European spatial development. Yet, the understanding of these transformation processes and the search for promising approaches to conceive, design and build sustainable post-mining regions are still a topical challenge for spatial practice and research in Europe.

This contribution proposes lessons learnt from European experiences in this regard. It concludes with discussions on approaches for the"design and making" of post-mining regions and transformations. Therein, the planning approach constitutes one important intervention next to others: Regional and strategic planning approaches like the International Building Exhibition (IBA) are valuable to increase the livability and to back-up the broader socio-economic developments in postmining regions. Yet, the success is conditioned by many more factors. In the following pages, we refer to the Ruhr region in Germany to illustrate briefly these conclusions.

2 The Ruhr area - experiences of change

The navigability of the Ruhr, the railway construction as a prerequisite and market for the beginning steel production and the use of steam engines, enabling the deep mining laid the bases for the highly industrial hard coal mining in the Ruhr region in the 19th century. Few entrepreneur dynasties such as Krupp, Thyssen and Hoesch influenced these developments importantly[1]15. The medieval cities of Duisburg and Dortmund grew into industrial cities, experiencing several waves of (international) immigration. The expansion of hard coal mining in the 1st half of the 20th century was accompanied by new industries such as the chemical and defense industries and electricity generation. They became the productive,second mainstay of the steel manufacturers and were the birth of further large companies such as Degussa, RWE and Ruhrkohle AG. The coal and steel industry in the Ruhr region experienced its last heydays after the World War II, when 494,000 employees worked in mining in 1956[1].The industrial cluster caused, however, also severe environmental damages with massive air and water pollution, coming along with a very negative image of the region.

In the Ruhr region, the coal crisis in 1958 heralded the post-mining age. The coal crisis led to the first closures of mines and job cuts: "By 1976 the number of mines had fallen from 148 to 35; production had halved and the workforce had dropped to 150,000"[1]28. During the coal crisis,however, the steel industry still grew due to the reconstruction boom in West Germany after the World War II. Here the crisis only came in the 1980s with new competing products from other countries and alternative materials (e.g. plastics), as well as in connection with the world economic crisis of 1974/1975. In the Ruhr region, a sectoral decline and structural change[2]535in hard coal mining and the steel industry had thus begun. It began the transition from the industrial to the service and later information economy with consequences for the demographic, urban and environmental development in the region.

The first phase of structural change (1958-1990) was mainly accompanied by rationalisations in large companies (process optimisation), by the first closures of mines and plants as well as by unemployment. The state started to subsidise coal mining in 1974. In addition, efforts were made to provide better support for young people in the region, also in view of the difficult income situation of the miners' families: The first universities were founded in 1965 as a structural policy programme to promote the qualification of workforces in conjunction with market-economy impulses.

3 A phase of setting the course: Economic policy and the International Building Exhibition

After this phase of sectoral decline, the decade between 1990 and 2000 was marked by "structuring and setting the course". In the economic sphere,at the end of the 1990s, the steel and coal sectors underwent further restructuring, to which the companies responded with expanded product ranges and product innovations, mergers and further site concentrations. The large companies invested in the new products and locations, while the renewed job losses were increasingly replaced by new jobs in the qualified service sector and in new industrial branches (such as logistics, microsystem technology,information technology and biomedicine). The region was now heading for an information economy. The public sector was a major driver of this change as the "Dortmund project"1)- a showcase project for economic development in the Ruhr region - exemplifies.

Today, "knowledge-based services and products are on the advance"[1]29in the regions as a result of the new, close cooperation between universities,research institutions, public funding and investments of the old, indigenous big companies.Even though the new industries have not (yet) fully compensated for the job reduction in the mining and steel industry, "the services seem to have succeeded in catching up with the overall economic development"[2]543nevertheless.

Apart for this economic reorientation, the second phase of the post-mining transformation was marked by the strategic emphasis on increasing the environmental qualities and the livability in the Ruhr region. Both had been severely impaired to date. To this end, the International Building Exhibition (IBA) Emscher Park was decisive - a strategic instrument to drive, design and structure the process of spatial transformation in the region in a cooperative and flexible, yet integrated manner.Thanks to the international building exhibition,running for ten years from 1989 to 1999, the internal and external perception of the region has changed fundamentally. The transformation process has developed a worldwide appeal to media with remarkable projects of industrial culture.

The IBA Emscher Park worked under the motto "Workshop for the future of old industrial regions" in a space - along the river Emscher between Duisburg and Bergkamen - with an eastwest extension of about 70km and a north-south extension of 15km. Overall, the IBA saw itself as a way of "integrated regional development" in which the ecological and cultural renewal of the region was regarded as an essential prerequisite for economic development. The industrial heritage was to be treated respectfully and strengthened by cultural uses with an openness for contemporary trends.

1 從杜塞爾多夫的萊茵塔看到的景象/View from the Rheinturm in Düsseldorf

2 聯(lián)合國教科文組織世界遺產(chǎn)“關(guān)稅同盟煤礦工業(yè)建筑群”/The UNESCO world heritage site "Zeche Zollverein"

3 國際工業(yè)遺產(chǎn)路線，魯爾之旅/Ruhr tourism - the international route of industrial heritage

工業(yè)區(qū)的改造還包括核心城市之間的“景觀改造”，由于礦業(yè)、煤炭、鋼鐵工業(yè)的發(fā)展，這些城市之間的景觀發(fā)生了巨大變化。在這一背景下，“工業(yè)自然”“工業(yè)景觀”等新術(shù)語應(yīng)運而生， 力圖尋找工業(yè)景觀的獨特性和真實性。IBA 還有類似將整個工業(yè)廠房的大部分都置于自然荒野中等嘗試，如漢薩焦化廠以及由整座高爐工廠改造而成的北杜伊斯堡市景觀公園。

IBA 埃姆舍爾公園的項目成功地讓“工業(yè)文化”一舉成為當今整個地區(qū)的核心文化根源。對于魯爾區(qū)的進一步發(fā)展來說，這種對區(qū)域特征的可持續(xù)貢獻非常寶貴。

該項目通過改造工業(yè)遺產(chǎn)用地并將其作為范例，使其變成魯爾地區(qū)覺醒和轉(zhuǎn)型的推動力。這一策略在項目完成后仍不斷地得到認可。作為一種新型文化節(jié)日和機構(gòu)，“魯爾三年展”以藝術(shù)節(jié)日的身份直接效仿了IBA 埃姆舍爾公園。坐落在波鴻的韋斯特公園的百年廳，于2002 年被翻新成一座戲劇和音樂表演的節(jié)日劇院。

在IBA 埃姆舍爾公園建成之時，工業(yè)文化已經(jīng)成為魯爾旅游的核心要素。隨后，它又以歐洲文化之都“魯爾2010”的形式進一步發(fā)展。在“文化影響變革——變革影響文化”的口號下，該地區(qū)不僅以令人印象深刻的文化項目呈現(xiàn)了自我，還充當了工業(yè)文化的建筑燈塔，如多特蒙德U 博物館，既是藝術(shù)中心又是創(chuàng)意中心。

綜上所述，魯爾地區(qū)的例子說明了“國際建筑展”這種方式不僅能將鼓舞人心的設(shè)計項目和工業(yè)文化等創(chuàng)新理念作為一種國際現(xiàn)象進行推廣，還具有很強的模仿性。此外，它還可以激發(fā)一系列后續(xù)行動，促進變革，如聯(lián)合國教科文組織世界遺產(chǎn)標識、歐洲文化之都倡議或目前正在規(guī)劃的2027 年國際花園展（IGA）等。IBA 埃姆舍爾公園項目協(xié)調(diào)并激發(fā)了各種其他項目、想法和概念， 以推動該地區(qū)開采后的可持續(xù)發(fā)展。

因此，IBA 埃姆舍爾公園項目的成果隨后得到了區(qū)域規(guī)劃的支持——成為了魯爾地區(qū)3 個行政區(qū)具有法律約束力的規(guī)劃；而該項目所喚醒的區(qū)域意識也反映在當今的總體規(guī)劃中，如“埃姆舍爾景觀公園”和“新埃姆舍爾山谷”。與此同時，IBA 還幫助建立了魯爾區(qū)旅游和區(qū)域經(jīng)濟發(fā)展機構(gòu)，并參與了將魯爾區(qū)昔日的污水渠改造成埃姆舍爾城市河流景觀的大項目。

聯(lián)邦政府、德國國民政府和歐盟的結(jié)構(gòu)政策與財政支持對于魯爾地區(qū)尚未完成、正在進行的后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型的成功至關(guān)重要。

僅在IBA 埃姆舍爾公園項目的框架內(nèi)，就有25 億歐元的公共資金投入該地區(qū)，另外還有用于促進商業(yè)、研究和創(chuàng)新的公共資金。

除此之外，私營企業(yè)，尤其是總部位于此地的老牌大公司，在創(chuàng)新（參考多特蒙德項目，見44 頁）以及對環(huán)境與生活質(zhì)量的修復(fù)和提升方面進行了重要投資（例如蒂森公司對福克旺博物館的投資）。

目前由北萊茵-威斯特法倫州發(fā)起并執(zhí)行的魯爾會議正在尋求一種新的方法來設(shè)計和改善后礦業(yè)轉(zhuǎn)型的下一階段。

4 經(jīng)驗教訓(xùn)

針對魯爾地區(qū)的這一轉(zhuǎn)型，參考歐洲其他后礦業(yè)時代的經(jīng)驗[3]，我們可以發(fā)現(xiàn)一些有趣的相似之處。這些相似之處均體現(xiàn)在克服危機的方法選擇上。我們將在下面對其進行討論。

首先，值得一提的是歐洲地區(qū)的經(jīng)濟前景體現(xiàn)在第三產(chǎn)業(yè)的增長（即旅游業(yè)等服務(wù)業(yè)的發(fā)展）以及新興產(chǎn)業(yè)分支的發(fā)展等兩方面。這些又會在未來成為擁有高增長率、高價值服務(wù)的重點。建立并促進研究機構(gòu)和商業(yè)公司之間的聯(lián)系與合作關(guān)系是重中之重。在可持續(xù)發(fā)展行業(yè)里新就業(yè)機會的產(chǎn)生是這片區(qū)域能否在未來的穩(wěn)定建設(shè)與可持續(xù)發(fā)展中取得成效的決定性因素[4]。

Blast furnaces, machine halls, winding towers,collieries, gasometres and coking plants are among the most striking architectural features of the industrial era. With the onset of the mining crisis and the progressive structural change, these buildings lost their use and raised the question of how to deal with this industrial heritage.IBA Emscher Park's strategy was to develop the industrial site into a source of impetus for change in the Ruhr area by converting it to new uses. The IBA comprise more than 100 projects; some of them are presented in this theme issue here.

The former colliery and coking plant of Zollverein, which had been abandoned for demolition and step by step transformed into the Ruhrmuseum, has become a UNESCO World Heritage site with a worldwide appeal. The inclusion of the entire Zollverein ensemble in UNESCO's World Cultural Heritage List in 2001 immediately after the IBA represented the most important national and international milestone for the promotion of the industrial culture in the Ruhr region. The decision not to demolish the Oberhausen Gasometre, but to see the potential for a possible exhibition space with an interior height of over 100m, required imagination and courage in advance to break new grounds.

The reconstruction of the industrial region also included the "reconstruction of the landscape"between the core cities, which was subject to serious changes due to mining and the coal and steel industry. In this context, new terms such as "industrial nature" and "industrial landscape"emerged, which sought to trace the unique and authentic nature of the industrial landscape. IBA's experience also includes experiments such as the idea of leaving large parts of an entire industrial plant to the wilderness of nature, as can be seen at the Hansa coking plant or during the transformation of an entire blast furnace plant into the Duisburg-Nord Landscape Park.

With its projects, the IBA Emscher Park has succeeded in making "industrial culture" the central cultural root of the entire region today. This sustainable contribution to regional identity has been invaluable for the further development of the Ruhr area.

The IBA Emscher Park's strategy of developing industrial heritage sites into impulses for the awakening and transformation of the Ruhr region by converting them and using them as examples is continuously confirmed even after they have been completed. As a new cultural festival and institution, the "Ruhr Triennale" as a festival of the arts directly followed the IBA Emscher Park. The"Jahrhunderthalle" in the Westpark in Bochum was renovated in 2002 as a festival theatre for drama and music performances.

Already at the time of the IBA Emscher Park,industrial culture had the function of a central element of Ruhr tourism. This has been further expanded with the format of the European Capital of Culture "RUHR.2010". Under the motto "Change through Culture - Culture through Change", the region has not only presented itself with a dazzling cultural programme, but has also implemented further architectural lighthouses of industrial culture such as the "Dortmunder U" as a centre for art and creativity.

In sum, the example of the Ruhr area illustrates how the instrument "International Building Exhibition" cannot only promote inspiring design projects and innovative concepts such as industrial culture as an international phenomenon with great imitation. Moreover, it can initiate a chain of followup initiatives for change such as the UNESCO World Heritage labelling, the European Capital of Culture initiative or the International Garden Show (IGA)2027, which is currently under planning. The IBA Emscher Park has coordinated and evoked various projects, ideas and concepts for continuing with the region's sustainable development after mining.

Therefore, the achievements of the IBA Emscher Park were subsequently supported by the regional plans - as legally binding plans of the three administrative districts of the Ruhr area. The regional awareness promoted by the IBA Emscher Park is evident today in master plans such as for the"Emscher Landscape Park" and the "New Emscher Valley". The IBA thus also contributed to the establishment of the Ruhr tourism and the regional agency for economic development as well as to the big project of converting the former sewage canal of the Ruhr region into the urban river landscape of Emscher.

The structural policy and the financial supports of the federal state, the German national government and the European Union are also essential for the success of the still unfinished and ongoing post-mining transition in the Ruhr region. Only in the framework of the IBA Emscher Park, two and a half billion euros of public funds were invested in the region, plus the public funds for promoting business, research and innovation.Apart from that, the private sector - in particular the old big companies with the headquarters in the region - invested importantly in innovation (cf. the Dortmund project, page 44) and in the repair and enhancement of environmental and life quality (e.g.Thyssen companie's investment in the Folkwang Museum). The current Ruhr Conferences, which are initiated and carried out by the federal state of North-Rhine Westphalia, are seeking currently a new way to design and shape the next phase of postmining transformation.

4 Lessons learnt

Against this body of transformation efforts in the Ruhr region and in view of other European post-mining experiences[3], we can reveal interesting similarities with regard to the chosen and successful approaches to overcoming crises. We put them up for discussion in the following.

So first of all, we would like to point out that European regions find their economic perspectives both in the growing tertiarisation, i.e. in the development of the service sector including the tourism industry, and in the development of new branches of industry, which in turn are the anchor points for further, higher-value services with potential growth. The initiation and promotion of networking and cooperation between research institutions and business enterprises is central to this. The creation of new jobs in sustainable sectors is the decisive factor for the stabilisation and future sustainable development of the regions[4].

4-6 奧伯豪森城中的煤氣罐/The gasometer in the city of Oberhausen

7 杜伊斯堡形似過山車的雕塑“老虎與烏龜”/The rollercoaster sculpture "Tiger & Turtle" in the city of Duisburg

8 博特羅普的四面體，是一個位于原礦渣堆的觀景平臺/The tetraeder in Bottrop - viewing platform on a former slagheap

9 多特蒙德U博物館，藝術(shù)中心兼創(chuàng)意中心/The "Dortmunder U" - the new centre of arts and creativity

10 鳳凰湖/PHOENIX lake（攝影/Photo: Uwe Grützner）

11 多特蒙德鳳凰西區(qū)/PHOENIX West in Dortmund（4-9.11圖片來源/Sources: Christa Reicher）

第二，歐洲后礦業(yè)地區(qū)采用了改善區(qū)域和當?shù)厣钯|(zhì)量的方法——在住房、服務(wù)、文化、教育和娛樂方面進行環(huán)境改造以及生活環(huán)境的改善。這種方法被普遍認為是增加該地區(qū)住宅和商業(yè)場所吸引力的先決條件和決定性切入點。這不僅得益于煤炭和鋼鐵減產(chǎn)帶來的環(huán)境污染的減少，同時還得益于針對性投資、以需求為導(dǎo)向和以未來為導(dǎo)向的振興措施以及荒地與土地多元化新用途的升級。

在這種背景下，各區(qū)域的第三種通用方法是：通過大型設(shè)計項目、（國際）標簽、活動和節(jié)日（例如聯(lián)合國教科文組織世界遺產(chǎn)名錄、歐洲文化之都等），將礦業(yè)遺產(chǎn)詮釋成文化遺產(chǎn)及其運用與表演。通過這種方式，礦業(yè)遺產(chǎn)可以幫助改善舊工業(yè)地區(qū)的外在感觀（圖像），加強居民的自我價值感，鞏固他們與居住地的關(guān)系，并在這以知識和服務(wù)為基礎(chǔ)的社會時代里支持各區(qū)域內(nèi)經(jīng)濟的重新定位。

與此同時，這些經(jīng)驗表明后礦業(yè)地區(qū)的重新定位與可持續(xù)發(fā)展需要大量的公共投資與強有力的政策扶持。在研究、教育、基礎(chǔ)建設(shè)、環(huán)境整治、城市建設(shè)以及遺跡保護方面需要的是公共投資。針對空間差異化的資金使用和投資迫在眉睫，需滿足各個城市的自身需求，而不是一味地進行“萬能藥”式的無差別投資（這會造成一系列的負面影響）。魯爾地區(qū)的例子同時還展現(xiàn)了與總部位于當?shù)厍屹Y金雄厚的大型企業(yè)合作而帶來的巨大優(yōu)勢。

“政治行政領(lǐng)域的質(zhì)量”[5]226應(yīng)該是后礦業(yè)地區(qū)穩(wěn)定與發(fā)展的最后一個重要因素。它是凌駕于所有有關(guān)（跨行業(yè)）整合但又快速、靈活且有效的手段（即措施、項目導(dǎo)向性規(guī)劃和監(jiān)管），也就是當?shù)匦〕叨鹊漠惢瘽摿εc行動者的指南針。歐洲的煤礦和鋼鐵地區(qū)為此使用各種非正式的手段來實現(xiàn)區(qū)域發(fā)展理念，比如厄爾士山脈的煤礦和鋼鐵區(qū)[4]。在實踐模仿和科學(xué)理論方面，“與眾不同”是IBA 的方法。該方法首次被用于魯爾區(qū)的后礦業(yè)問題上。綜上所述，這是一種適當?shù)姆椒ǎ阂怨膭畈煌男袆诱?，收集項目?chuàng)意和概念，將其落實到環(huán)境與生活質(zhì)量的可持續(xù)改善中。不過，它的轉(zhuǎn)型潛力取決于它的精確設(shè)計以及上述所有因素和干預(yù)措施的相互作用?！?/p>

Secondly, European post-mining regions take the approaches of improving the regional and local quality of life in the form of environmental redevelopments and improvements to the living environments in terms of housing, services, culture,education and recreation. This approach is widely acknowledged as precondition and decisive entry point to increase the regions' attractiveness as residential and thus business locations. And this implies more than just to benefit from decreasing environmental pollution due to the decline of coal and steel industries, but the targeted investments and measures of demand-oriented and futureoriented revitalisation and upgrading of wastelands and sites for various new uses.

In this context, the third common approach of the regions stands: the reinterpretation of the mining legacies into cultural heritage and its exploitation and staging through large-scale design projects, (international) labels, events and festivals(e.g. UNESCO World Heritage; European Capital of Culture). In this way, the heritage of the mining industry can help to improve the external perception(image) of the old industrial regions, strengthen the self-esteem of the inhabitants and their ties to the place, and consequently support the economic reorientation of the regions in the age of knowledge and service-based societies.

The experiences show, moreover, that the reorientation and sustainable development of postmining regions require massive public investment and strong political will. Public investments are needed in the fields of research and education,infrastructure, environmental revitalisation, urban development and monument preservation. This urgently involves the spatially differentiated use of funds and investments, adapted to the specific potentials and needs of municipalities, and not"one-fits-all" - type investments, which can have negative consequences. The example of the Ruhr regions illustrates, moreover, the enormous advantage of being able to cooperate with large and financially strong enterprises with headquarters in the region.

The "quality of political-administrative regime"[5]226appears to be a last, important factor for the successful stabilisation and development of post-mining regions. It is above all a matter of integrated (cross-sectoral), yet fast, flexible and effective (measure and project-oriented)planning and monitoring, which refers to the region's small-scale differentiated potentials and actor constellations. The European coal and steel regions use various informal instruments for this, the Erzgebirge coal and steel region, for example, the Regional Development Concept[4].Outstanding - in terms of practical imitation and scientific theorisation - is the instrument of the International Building Exhibition (IBA), which was used for the first time in the Ruhr region for the post-mining problem. As outlined above, it is a suitable instrument to encourage diverse actors,to bring together project ideas and concepts and to implement them for a sustainable change of environmental and life qualities. Its transformative potential depends, however, on its precise design and the interplay of all factors and interventions mentioned above.□

注釋/Note

1) 政治、商業(yè)和科學(xué)間的跨學(xué)科合作與支持是其特點。1997 年，多特蒙德政府、克魯普-霍斯奇和蒂森以及多特蒙德、杜伊斯堡等城市和工會通過談判，提出了在多特蒙德建立新高科技產(chǎn)業(yè)集群的想法。談判的結(jié)果是：克魯普-霍什和蒂森兩家公司合并；在1990年代末關(guān)閉多特蒙德的鋼鐵基地，轉(zhuǎn)而將杜伊斯堡作為魯爾區(qū)唯一的現(xiàn)代化鋼鐵基地。作為回報，行業(yè)承諾共同融資并實現(xiàn)“多特蒙德作為商業(yè)中心的戰(zhàn)略理念與愿景”：在軟件、信息技術(shù)、電子商務(wù)、微系統(tǒng)技術(shù)、生物技術(shù)和物流等領(lǐng)域建立新的集群。其目標是在2010年之前創(chuàng)造70,000個新工作崗位，以補償多特蒙德近年來失去的80,000個工作崗位。歐盟、聯(lián)邦、州和城市的2億歐元資金也流入了該商業(yè)項目，用于舊工業(yè)用地向新型辦公及商業(yè)園區(qū)、住宅場所、娛樂和休閑場所的轉(zhuǎn)換和升級。截止至2007年，在該項目的主要影響下，多特蒙德?lián)碛辛?20家IT公司、662家物流公司、33 家微米和納米技術(shù)公司，創(chuàng)造了41,000個新職位。/It is characterised by the interdisciplinary cooperation between politics, business and science.The idea of establishing a new high-tech cluster in Dortmund was born in 1997 from negotiations between the state government, Krupp-Hoesch and Thyssen, the cities of Dortmund, Duisburg and the trade unions. The result of the negotiations was that the companies Krupp-Hoesch and Thyssen merged and at the end of the 1990s finally closed down the steel location Dortmund in favor of Duisburg as the sole and modernised steel location in the Ruhr area. In return, industry undertook to develop and co-finance"a strategic concept and vision for Dortmund as a business location": the establishment of a new cluster in the software, information technology, e-commerce,microsystems technology, biotechnology and logistics sectors. The aim was to create 70,000 new jobs by 2010 as compensation for 80,000 jobs lost in Dortmund in recent years. 200 million euros in EU, federal, state and city funds also flowed into this business development project, which was accompanied by conversions and upgrades of old industrial sites to new office and business parks, residential uses, recreation and leisure.In 2007 there were - mainly as a result of this project -720 IT companies, 662 logistics companies, 33 microand nanotechnology companies with 41,000 new jobs in Dortmund.