Report on E—C Translation of Articles in the Economy Column of The Economist

李澤鵬

摘 要：本次翻譯實踐的文本取自《經(jīng)濟學(xué)人》雜志的兩篇專欄文章。第一篇講的是西方國家由于喬木的穩(wěn)步擴張，政府開始鼓勵森林的種植。第二篇講的是蘇丹的登機口，它被評為世界上最糟糕的登機口的原因。

本次翻譯以漢斯·弗米爾的目的論為指導(dǎo)理論。作為德國語言學(xué)家和翻譯學(xué)者，他指出有三個準則需要遵守：目的原則、連貫原則與忠實原則。本次實踐在很大程度上以目的原則為主，其中翻譯的目的是核心，因為基于翻譯目的，才能確定所采取的具體策略。翻譯過程中，譯者盡量站在讀者的角度來解析和呈現(xiàn)原文的內(nèi)涵，保證較高的易讀性和高接受度，增加受眾讀者范圍。

在中英文字翻譯過程中，難免會出現(xiàn)一些困難。主要涉及的方面有長難句的解析以及隱喻的解讀。本文采取的翻譯策略基于目的論，應(yīng)用歸化翻譯方法處理各類難點，充分利用增譯、轉(zhuǎn)換、分譯、直譯、意譯等常用策略來解決這些困難，最終產(chǎn)生了較為符合中文讀者表達習(xí)慣和思維模式的譯文。

關(guān)鍵詞：目的論 翻譯技巧 隱喻 長難句 《經(jīng)濟學(xué)人》

Abstract：The source texts of this translation practice are the two articles in The Economist. The first article talks about the expansion of tree-planting in the Western countries and the second illustrates Jubas airport and the reasons why it is considered the worst all over the world.

This translation practice is guided by Hans Vermeers Skopos Theory which highlights three rules： skopos rule， coherence rule， and fidelity rule. Due to differences between Chinese and English languages， some difficulties are encountered in the translation process， including the translation of metaphors and long complex sentences.

Guided by Skopos Theory， the translator adopts the domestication strategy and some relevant translation techniques to solve the problems， such as addition， combination， shift， division， literal and free translation. By using these strategy and techniques， the translator managed to make the target text consistent with the way of thinking and conventional expressions of Chinese readers.

Key Words： Skopos Theory； translation techniques； metaphor； long and complex sentences； The Economist

Introduction

Most of the articles in The Economist are interesting， showing the writers humor and unique thinking. It is an excellent magazine dealing with topics of all kinds in a serious but witty way. The magazine focuses on political and commercial news， but each issue also has one or two reports on technology and art， as well as some book reviews. In addition to regular news， The Economist reports on a specific area of the world every week.

The first article selected as the source text for this translation practice talks about the expansion of tree-plantation in the Western countries， and the Irish government encourages people to plant trees， but there are many people against it. The second article illustrates Jubas airport and why it is regarded as the worst all over the world.

The researcher chooses these two articles to translate because they are a good test of his ability to understand cultures of English-speaking countries and to translate an English text into a readable Chinese one.

1.Translation Task

The first article selected for this research talks about how the government of Ireland has encouraged people to plant trees， and reasons why many people seem not happy with this practice. The second article describes Jubas airport and explains why it is rated as the worlds worst.

The two articles are challenging enough for the translator due to the complex language style and the fact that the understanding of some of the contents requires a certain background knowledge. They serve as an excellent test for the translator to examine his ability to understand the culture of an English-speaking country and translate English texts into readable Chinese.

2. Translation Process

The source texts are translated under the guidance of Skopos Theory. The strategy of domestication and various techniques such as addition， division， combination， and shift of perspective are used.

2.1 Translation Theory

The term Skopos refer to the purpose of a translation. It is derived from the Greek term Skopos. In addition to Skopos， Vermeer also uses the terms “aim”， “purpose”， “intention”， and “function”. To avoid conceptual confusion， Nord proposes to make a basic distinction between intention and function： “intent” is defined from the senders point of view， while “function” refers to the textual function， which is the recipients expectations， needs， and existing knowledge.[1]

In Vermeers teleological framework， one of the most important factors in deciding the purpose of translation is the audience—the intended recipient of the translation. This is because they have their own cultural background knowledge， expectation of the translation， and needs for communication. Each translation points to a certain audience， so translation is a text produced for the purpose and target audience in the context of the target language. Vermeer believes that the original text is only a source of partial or complete information for the target audience.[2]

2.2 Translation Strategy

Venuti employs the concepts of domesticating and foreignizing to refer to translation strategies. Domestication refers to target-culture oriented translation in which unusual expression is exploited and turn into some familiar ones so as to make the translated text intelligible and easy for the target readers.

It should be admitted that no translation is the product of using only one strategy. However， in accordance with the three principles of Skopos Theory and the purpose of translation determined， domestication strategy is mainly employed to produce a TT that conforms to the way of thinking and communicative habits of Chinese readers.

2.3 Translation Techniques

As is mentioned above， translation methods or techniques employed should match the Skopos of translation. There are various techniques used flexibly by the translator to translate the chosen articles. The following paragraphs present examples and analysis of how the chosen translation strategy and techniques make the translation possible and readable.

2.3.1 Addition

In translation， addition is sometimes indispensably adopted so as to make the TT conform to conventional expressions of the target language and achieve coherence. It can help better express the meaning of the source text by adding some words， sentences or notes to the translation.[3]

Example 1：

ST： Some feel inadequate： European countries with scant forest cover sometimes lament how far behind the EU average they have fallen.

TT： 有些國家察覺到了自身森林面積的不足：森林覆蓋率低的歐洲國家會哀嘆自己落后于歐盟的平均水平。

In this example， the translator adds “自身森林面積的” before “不足”. Without the addition in Chinese， the sentence would be rigid and weird， inconsistent with the characteristics of Chinese sentence， and the readers could hardly understand the meaning of the word “inadequate” in this context.

Example 2：

ST：In Ireland， the criticisms are different.

TT：在愛爾蘭，人們對外來樹木種植的批評是不一樣的。

In this translation， the translator adds “人們對外來樹木種植的” before “批評”. English essays emphasize more on logic and readers are accustomed to understanding the text from the context， while in Chinese articles， further explanations and more connectives are needed to connect the preceding and the following. In this regard， addition is an efficient way to make the translation more acceptable for domestic readers as it provides the context the readers need.

2.3.2 Shift

Shift is the process of turning linguistic unit or structure of the source text into a language unit or structure of the target language with similar expressions.[4] There are many types of shift， such as lexical shift， level shift， semantic shift， syntactic shift.

Example 3：

ST： Spruce plantations are said to be devoid of life—vertical deserts of dark green. They are accused of wrecking rural communities and driving farmers off the land. And they are said to be out of place in a mostly pastoral setting.

TT： 人們批評云杉種植園，認為它的種植范圍里沒有生命，像個垂直的深綠色沙漠。人們還指控云杉破壞了農(nóng)村社區(qū)，把農(nóng)民趕出了這片土地。據(jù)說他們在大多數(shù)的田園環(huán)境中生長都是不合適的。

In the above example， the original sentence uses passive voice， which is commonly used in English sentences when it is unclear who is the actor， while in Chinese translation， the passive voice has been changed into the active voice by adding “人們”， which is common in Chinese when the specific actor is unknown. In this way， a readable translation is produced.

2.3.3 Division

Division means to divide and translate one long sentence in the source text into several ones in the target text.[3] In this way， the translation can be smoother and more understandable for target readers so that intratextual coherence is achieved. See the following example：

Example 4：

ST： What worries Mr Stenson in County Leitrim is not just that the ever-spreading trees will displace farmers and make it hard for him to acquire more land but also that they will prevent him from seeing his neighbours lights at night.

TT： 在萊特里姆郡，斯滕森先生擔(dān)心的不僅僅是不斷蔓延的樹木將取代農(nóng)民，使他難以獲得更多的土地，而且還會阻止他在晚上看到鄰居的燈光。

In this example， the ST is a complex sentence with a non-restrictive relative clause. While in the TT， there are two sentences. The sentences are shorter， which is a typical feature of the Chinese language. Division is necessary in cases like this because Chinese language favors short and cohesive sentences.

3. Problems and Solutions

The translator has encountered such problems as culturally-loaded words and long sentences during the translation process， and tried to solve them under the guidance of Skopos Theory.

3.1 Translation of Metaphor

Metaphor has been widely viewed as a figure of speech based on the similarity between the two entities that are compared， namely， one entity is understood in terms of the other through the hidden association between them.[5]

Example 5：

ST：In “The Deserted Village”， published in 1770 and probably inspired by scenes from his birthplace in Ireland， Oliver Goldsmith lamented the transformation of a lively landscape， studded with cultivated farms and busy mills， into a silent one dominated by “glades forlorn” and “tangling walks”.

TT：在1770年出版的《荒蕪的村莊》中，奧利弗·戈德史密斯（Oliver Goldsmith）也許是受了他在愛爾蘭出生的地方的啟發(fā)，小說里描述了一個到處是耕作的農(nóng)場和繁忙的磨坊的生機勃勃的鄉(xiāng)村，變得寂靜荒涼，滿是“荒蕪的沼澤”和“紛亂的土地”。

In this long sentence， there are several English metaphors. For example， “stud” means “cover with a scattering of small objects or features” in English. “Studded with” can be understood as “all around”， thus the Chinese translation uses “到處” to well express the meaning， losing the original imagery of “stud”. This is done using the translation technique of free translation and the TT is readable as a result.

Example 6：

ST： Since the 1990s environmental considerations have weighed more heavily.

TT：自1990年代起，人們對環(huán)境的考慮多了許多。

In the above example， the verb “weigh” is a metaphor as the writer is comparing peoples concerns for environment to something that can be measured in weight. With literal translation， the ST can be translated into “環(huán)境方面的考慮重了許多”. And this would sound weird to Chinese readers as there is no such expression in their culture. Therefore， free translation is used and “weighed” is translated into “多”.

3.2 Translation of Long Sentences

Long sentences are more often seen in English texts than in Chinese texts due to cultural differences. In Chinese， short sentences are more favored. Also， Chinese people prefer to leave the most important part to the last， and such procedure can also be seen in the word order of the Chinese sentence. More often than not， the opposite is true in the English sentence.[6]

Example 7：

ST：Since photographing any airport in South Sudan will get you arrested， the description of its “horrific smells and filth” is accompanied by an artists impression which makes the departure lounge look far nicer than it is.

TT：因為拍攝南蘇丹的任何機場都會被捕，藝術(shù)家們對朱巴國際機"可怕的氣味和臟亂"的描述，實際上比真正的候機廳要好得多。

In the translation of this long sentence， the passive voice “is accompanied by” is changed into the active voice in Chinese. In this way， the original sentence can be well accepted by Chinese readers. Besides， the sentence pattern has been shifted in this example. The attributive clause is changed into a simple sentence， which is also a kind of shift.

Conclusion

The Economist is a famous weekly magazine with articles offering unique perspectives and in-depth analysis. The two articles selected for this translation practice are a good test of the translators ability to understand the English language and culture as well as to translate English into Chinese.

The practice is guided under Skopos Theory. To make the TT readable and acceptable for common readers and communicate exact information to them， various translation techniques are adopted according to three rules of the Skopos Theory. As a result， a readable Chinese text is finally produced.

However， the challenges the translator encountered regarding both languages （English and Chinese）， thinking pattern， and culture shows that there is still such a long way to go before the translator can be called a qualified one.

Notes

[1] Zhao Shuang. The Techniques of Translation[M]. Tianjin： Tianjin University Press， 2018：1.

[2] Jian Pinkham. 中式英語之鑒[M]. 姜桂華校. 外文研究出版社， 2006： 9.

[3] 陳德彰. 英漢翻譯入門[M]. 北京： 外語教學(xué)與研究出版社， 2012 ：19.

[4] 熊兵. 翻譯研究中的概念混淆[J]. 中國翻譯， 2014（3）： 86.

[5] Josef Stern. Metaphor in Context[M]. London： The MIT Press， 2000：34.

[6] 李長栓.非文學(xué)都翻譯理論與實踐[M]. 北京：中國對外翻譯出版公司，2005： 8.

References

[1] Christiane， Nord. Translating as a Purposeful Activity： Functionalist Approaches Explained [M]. Shanghai： Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press， 2001.

[2] Heilbroner， Robert. The Economic Transformation of America： 1600 to the Present [M]. New York： Harcourt Brace Jovanovich， 1998.

[3] Pinkham， Jian. 中式英語之鑒[M]. 姜桂華校. 外文研究出版社， 2006.

[4] Reiss， Katharina & Hans J. Vermeer. Grundlegung Einer Allgemeinen Translationstheorie [M]. Tubinge： Niemeyer， 1984.

[5] Stern， Josef. Metaphor in Context[M]. London： The MIT Press， 2000.

[6] Zhao Shuang. The Techniques of Translation[M]. Tianjin： Tianjin University Press， 2018.

[7] 陳德彰. 英漢翻譯入門[M]. 北京： 外語教學(xué)與研究出版社，2012.

[8] 李長栓. 非文學(xué)翻譯理論與實踐[M]. 北京： 中國對外翻譯出版公司，2005.

[9] 劉軍平. 西方翻譯理論通史[M]. 武漢： 武漢大學(xué)出版社， 2009.

[10] 劉宓慶. 英漢翻譯技能指引[M]. 北京： 中國對外翻譯出版公司，2006.

[11] 馬萬平. 析漢斯費米爾的目的論[J]. 語文學(xué)刊， 2013（3）： 99-100.

[12] 熊兵. 翻譯研究中的概念混淆[J]. 中國翻譯， 2014（3）： 82-88.

[13] 鐘蘭鳳，陳?；?隱喻識別研究現(xiàn)狀述評[J].外語研究，2013（6）：40-44.

Appendix I： Source Text I

Trees are covering more of the land in rich countries

The spread of forests is not always popular. But it is sure to continue.

COLM STENSON drives around County Leitrim， pointing out new tree plantations. In this corner of Ireland， close to the border with Northern Ireland， conifers seem to be springing up all around. The encroachment is not just visual. Mr Stenson， who is a police officer as well as a cattle farmer， recently received a bill from his feed supplier. It came with a brochure advertising easy returns from converting farmland into woods. Forestry companies tout for business in the local livestock market. The forest is “closing in”， he says. In the 1920s， when Ireland became independent， it was thought to have just 220，000 acres （90，000 hectares） of woods， covering about 1% of the land. Once-extensive forests had been shrinking for centuries. Farmers had cut trees for firewood and to clear space for animals and crops since at least the fourth millennium BC； some tree species were wiped out by disease. Beginning in the 17th century， most of the trees that remained were felled to build ships or fed into charcoal kilns to fire the Industrial Revolution.

Today， though， almost 11% of Ireland is covered with forest， and an unknown additional amount by small woods and scattered trees. The governments target is to cover 18% of the land area with forests by 2046. Ireland is behind schedule. Still， about 6，000 hectares of new forest ought to be planted this year， while almost none will be lost. It is part of a broad trend： the foresting of the West.

Trees are spreading in almost every European country （see map）. Because many of these forests are young， the quantity of wood in them is growing faster than their extent. Europes planted forests put on a little more than 1.1m cubic metres of wood per day. For comparison， the iron in the Eiffel Tower is about 930 cubic metres. Russias forests spread more slowly in percentage terms between 2005 and 2015， but， because Russia is so big， more than in the entire European Union in absolute terms. Forests now occupy a third of Americas land， having grown by 2% in the past decade. They are even expanding in Australia， following a long decline.

Trunk routes

Deforestation in South America and Africa rightly gets most of conservationists attention. That loss is huge—equivalent to about 4.8m hectares a year， which far outweighs gains elsewhere. Yet the foresting of rich countries is still one of the worlds great land-use changes. It seems just as unstoppable as the deforestation of poorer places. It has plenty of critics， too.

The growth of forests is partly a result of changes to food markets. As the best farming areas have become more productive， and as rich countries have imported more of their food， marginal land has become unusable for ordinary agriculture. Some of the most dramatic forest growth in Europe has been in high， dry places where farmers once scratched a living from goats， sheep or olives. Forests now cover two-thirds of Catalonia， in Spain， up enormously from a century ago. In America， the fastest expansion over the past ten years has been in states such as Oklahoma and Texas， which have indifferent soils. “Good cropland is always going to be good cropland，” says Thomas Straka， who follows American forestry at Clemson University. But “a lot of land should never have been planted.”

Forests are also growing because governments have favoured them through laws and subsidies. Forest-boosting has a long history， beginning with a French forest ordinance in 1669. In Europe， war drove policy： countries needed wood for warships and then， after the first and second world wars， sought to become self-sufficient in a bulky commodity. In America， a ready supply of cheap home-grown wood was seen as essential for the creation of a suburban， home-owning democracy.

Since the 1990s environmental considerations have weighed more heavily. Forests are increasingly valued as sponges for heavy rain， as wildlife habitats and as carbon sinks. Governments point out that their countries used to be thickly forested—even if the large forests disappeared many centuries ago， as is the case in a country such as Iceland. Some feel inadequate： European countries with scant forest cover sometimes lament how far behind the EU average they have fallen.

Whatever their reasons， governments have treated forests generously. In Britain， forests are not liable for capital-gains tax （though the land under them might be）. If a forest is bought with the proceeds of a business sale， the tax that would be payable is deferred. Timber sales incur neither corporation tax nor income tax. Forests can be transferred to heirs free from inheritance tax. And， whereas many farm payments in the EU have been decoupled from production， forest subsidies reward planting. The rate in England is ?1.28 （$1.72） per tree， plus grants for fences and gates. Money does not grow on trees， goes one quip—trees grow on money.

Planted forests are far from universally popular， though. Between June and October this year， forest fires in Spain and Portugal killed more than 100 people and darkened Europes skies. The fires were partly blamed on the spread of non-native trees， especially eucalyptus. That Australian import， which was planted with support from the World Bank， among others， grows so quickly that trees can be harvested for pulp when less than ten years old. It also burns readily， scattering embers far afield. Portugals government has begun to restrict planting， in an effort to prevent the country from turning into what one green group calls “Eucalyptugal”.

The eucalyptus tree is a scapegoat for a bigger problem， argues Marc Castellnou， a fire analyst in Spain. The real trouble is that forests in Portugal and Spain have expanded quickly， with little thought for the consequences. Well-managed eucalyptus plantations are not the biggest danger—much worse are ill-managed ones with lots of underbrush and fallen wood， and the impromptu forests that grow on abandoned farms. The fires that get going in such forests jump to the treetops and burn so energetically that they cannot be stopped.

In Ireland， the criticisms are different. The countrys default tree is the sitka spruce， a fast-growing， damp-tolerant conifer from Americas Pacific Northwest. Spruce plantations are said to be devoid of life—vertical deserts of dark green. They are accused of wrecking rural communities and driving farmers off the land. And they are said to be out of place in a mostly pastoral setting. Gerry McGovern， another farmer in County Leitrim， puts it bluntly： conifer forests are “not landscape”.

The first charge is false. Mark Wilson of the British Trust for Ornithology says that conifer plantations support more bird life per hectare than farmland， largely because they harbour more insects. Inevitably， some birds benefit more than others. The march of conifers across Britain and Ireland has increased the numbers of pine-loving birds such as siskins and crossbills. Conifers are also loved by crows—which is less obviously good， because crows raid the nests of rare birds such as curlews.

The second accusation， that trees push out other kinds of agriculture， is only partly true. Forestry subsidies and regulations have indeed distorted Irelands land market. Farmers who plant trees get generous payments for 15 years， while continuing to receive ordinary farming subsidies. At that point， with perhaps 20 years to go before conifers are harvested， they often sell to pension funds and other investors.

Forested land in Ireland hardly ever returns to farming. To help speed national afforestation， the government requires that land cleared of trees must be planted with new trees （which are not subsidised）. Ireland also bars commercial planting on the poorest soils， where young trees would struggle. Partly as a result， forests have spread from the hills to the lowlands， says Steven Meyen of Teagasc， Irelands agriculture authority. Macra na Feirme， which lobbies for young Irish farmers， argues that forest payments are now preventing good land from coming onto the market.

That said， trees are sprouting in rural Ireland because farmers want them to. Many own at least one indifferent， boggy corner of land where animals get stuck and only rushes grow well. Stephen Strong， a farmer in County Meath， has planted 80 acres of his 500-acre farm with sitka spruce， Norway spruce， oak and ash. The trees require much less attention than the sheep that grazed there before—“where you have sheep， you have trouble，” he says. Forestry appeals especially to ageing farmers who are looking for a gentle exit. In 2015， 45% of newly planted land in Ireland was owned by people aged 60 or older.

The final accusation， that forests are drastically changing the appearance of the countryside， is spot-on. Advocates may point to a forested past. But rural people have become used to the landscape as it is， and often do not want it to change. What worries Mr Stenson， in County Leitrim， is not just that the ever-spreading trees will displace farmers and make it hard for him to acquire more land， but also that they will prevent him from seeing his neighbours lights at night.

In America and Germany， people have been conditioned to see forested landscapes as sublime by painters like Caspar David Friedrich and Albert Bierstadt. Irish painting and poetry， by contrast， usually celebrates hills， bogs and farms. In “The Deserted Village”， published in 1770 and probably inspired by scenes from his birthplace in Ireland， Oliver Goldsmith lamented the transformation of a lively landscape， studded with cultivated farms and busy mills， into a silent one dominated by “glades forlorn” and “tangling walks”.

Safe arbours

Ireland and other countries will nonetheless have to get used to the green invaders. The EUs Common Agricultural Policy is set to change in 2020. Nobody yet knows how， but it is a safe bet that subsidies will tilt towards greenhouse-gas mitigation， which will probably mean more money for carbon-absorbing forests and less for methane-belching livestock. John OReilly， the boss of Green Belt， a forest-management company， worries that Irelands afforestation rate might dip below 6，000 hectares a year in the next few years—a level that he views as necessary for sustaining business. He also worries about Brexit， because Britain is a crucial market for Irish timber. He is not at all worried about the long-term future of his industry.

Appendix I： Source Text Ⅱ

Which are the worlds worst airports？

An informal survey of the most horrible places to be lost in transit

LIKE expensive watches that never break， the worlds best airports can be boring. You land， breeze through passport control and check into a hotel within minutes. The experience is pleasant， but not memorable. The worst airports have more character. To adapt Tolstoy， lovely airports are all alike， but every wretched airport is wretched in its own way.

Consider Juba. The airport in South Sudans capital is a sweltering tent next to a festering puddle. Planes are often late， so passengers must sweat for hours. The departure lounge has no toilets， no food and no queuing system. Lucky is the traveller who finds a chair that is only half-broken. Since dirty water and tropical diseases are common， so are upset stomachs. Tough luck. Travellers should have thought twice before eating salad.

Security is haphazard. Big important peoples flunkies carry their bags， which are ostentatiously passed round， not through， the scanner. Since the machine seldom works， little people are in effect upgraded to big important status by not having their bags scanned for guns and explosives， either.

South Sudan is at war， so many UN planes take off from Juba carrying aid workers and emergency supplies. Aggressive officials in sunglasses take pleasure in obstructing them. When your correspondent was booked on a UN flight， he was assured by the government that his papers were in order. Yet at the airport he was told to get a fourth permit， as well as the three pricey ones he had already obtained. This required a trip across town and a tedious haggle. Predictably， he missed his plane.

Juba has three terminals， but only one is in use. After South Sudan became independent in 2011， the government planned to build an airy structure of glass， steel and concrete. Work started in 2012， but stopped when the bills were not paid. In 2016 the government decided to build a more modest terminal. But it， too， stands half-completed and empty， next to the tented camp that people actually have to use. Travellers are advised to bring a good， long book.

All are bored.

Working out which is the worlds worst airport is not easy. The best rough-and-ready attempt is the Guide to Sleeping in Airports， a website that publishes an annual survey based on voluntary submissions from irate travellers. It ranks airports by qualities such as discomfort， poor service， bad food， cumbersome immigration procedures and how hard it is to grab forty winks while waiting for a connection.

Overall， Juba was rated worst in 2017. Since photographing any airport in South Sudan will get you arrested， the description of its “horrific smells and filth” is accompanied by an artists impression which makes the departure lounge look far nicer than it is.

The ranking is inevitably skewed by sampling bias. It misses truly awful places that hardly anyone visits， and over-emphasises less egregious ones that handle more people. Juba won its “worst in the world” ranking not only on demerit but also because so many foreign charity workers pass through and complain about it. Jeddah， in Saudi Arabia， comes second not because it is really the second-worst in the world but because it is swamped with haj pilgrims every year and cannot cope.

Because gripes spring from disappointment， expectations matter. Travellers in the rougher parts of the world applaud wildly when a plane lands without crashing； more pampered types are enraged if the Wi-Fi is slow. It was the mismatch between expectation and reality that doubtless propelled three Greek hubs （Crete， Santorini and Rhodes） into the Sleeping in Airports worst ten. Hordes of northern Europeans flew to Greece for a cheap holiday in 2017， where they encountered strikes， delays and other indignities to which they were unaccustomed. Many reached for their smartphones and complained.

To illuminate some of the gaps in existing rankings of bad airports， The Economist conducted an unscientific， anecdotal poll of its globe-trotting correspondents. It attracted more， and more passionate， responses than nearly any other internal survey we have done. Here are some of our reflections from the departure gates of hell.

Several airports in war zones are worse than Juba. Our Africa editor cites Bangui， in the Central African Republic： “The fence around it has been stolen， so when big jets come in to land the pilots keep their hands on the throttle so they can pull up if they see people trying to run across the runway （which lies between a refugee camp and the city， and so has lots of crossing traffic）. On the plus side it has sandbagged bunkers on its roof and was designated the final fallback position by French forces during the civil war， so if you are in it you are about as safe as you can be.”

Although each awful airport is unique， four themes recur： danger， bullying by officials， theft and delay. Sometimes， all these reinforce each other. For example， it takes ages to get through Lubumbashi airport （in the Democratic Republic of Congo） because truculent security officials slow things down in the hope that passengers will give them “un cadeau” to hurry up. If you hand over $1， they let you board without your bags getting checked at all. Such transactions are often referred to as “bribes”， but are really a form of extortion with menaces. They make air travel in places like Congo slower， riskier， costlier and much more unpleasant.

Air travellers make tempting targets for thieves. They are rich enough to afford an air ticket， which in many places makes them rich indeed. They carry luggage， some of it valuable. They are often far from home and unfamiliar with local rules. Finally， airports are full of choke points through which travellers must pass if they are to board their planes， creating opportunities for crooked officials to fleece them.

The ones in Manila are especially creative. Some have been known to plant bullets in luggage so they can “find” them and demand bribes not to have the owners arrested. This scam is known in Tagalog as “l(fā)aglag bala” （“drop bullet”）.

In Johannesburg the pilfering is covert but rampant. Our correspondent grumbles： “Despite packing absolutely nothing of value in my checked bags they are regularly rifled through and were twice slashed open （they werent even locked）. Once I found someone elses sunglasses case in my bag； mislaid， perhaps， by luggage handlers in a looting frenzy.”

Some travellers are harassed by officials who seem to fear that， if they do not look busy， they will be replaced by machines， as many have been at modern airports. The magnificently uniformed functionary in Delhi who demands to see your papers—despite having just watched another functionary inspect them—falls into this category. Other officials harass travellers for the sheer fun of wielding power. Our former Cairo bureau chief writes， of Saudi immigration procedures： “The queues are subtly divided by nationality and caste. If you happen to be a Baloch labourer， your lot is to sit on the floor for hours， getting barked at and swatted by swagger-stick-wielding Saudi policemen. Anyone who falls asleep risks a thrashing.”