偉大的解放者亞歷山大二世與俄羅斯的自由

摘 要： 2011年3月3日，俄羅斯總統(tǒng)梅德韋杰夫在圣彼得堡舉行的“偉大的改革和俄羅斯的現(xiàn)代化國際研討會上的講話”，充分肯定了沙皇亞歷山大二世改革的偉大意義。梅德韋杰夫認為，亞歷山大二世最大的貢獻就在于在俄羅斯千年歷史上，首次給予了俄羅斯人以自由。同時，梅德韋杰夫提出了俄羅斯在現(xiàn)代化過程中應該注意的五大問題：自由不能推遲；政治轉型應該理性、漸進和毫不動搖；不容忍、極端主義和恐怖主義的極端表現(xiàn)將仍然是自由發(fā)展的敵人；國家不是發(fā)展的目的，而是發(fā)展的工具；國家是活的有機體，必須給予社會自我組織的機會。

關鍵詞： 亞歷山大二世；偉大的改革；自由；梅德韋杰夫

【中圖分類號】 K512 【文獻標識碼】 A【文章編號】 2236-1879（2017）20-0283-01

正確的歷史觀給人以教益，正確的歷史觀可以避免人們犯同樣的錯誤。相反，錯誤的歷史觀一定會讓人誤入歧途，錯誤的歷史觀一定會重復前人曾經(jīng)犯過的錯誤。

從彼得大帝開始，俄羅斯就開啟了現(xiàn)代化的歷程。但是，俄羅斯300多年的現(xiàn)代化的歷程，有太多的悲劇與曲折。

在俄羅斯歷史上有許多著名的統(tǒng)治者。無疑，亞歷山大二世是一個偉大的統(tǒng)治者之一。他最偉大的貢獻是開啟了俄羅斯自由之門。遺憾的是，他開啟的自由之門被后來的激進主義所打斷。特別是布爾什維克的暴政，徹底扼殺了俄羅斯的自由。在布爾什維克暴政下，前蘇聯(lián)各族人民經(jīng)歷了俄羅斯歷史上和人類歷史上最黑暗的篇章。俄羅斯的自由蕩然無存。前俄羅斯各族人民毫無人權和自由可言。正是布爾什維克的暴政構成了蘇聯(lián)帝國解體的最深沉的原因。

今天，俄羅斯人依然在為自由而奮斗。在俄羅斯人為自由奮斗的今天，人們更不應該忘記開啟了俄羅斯自由之門的偉大的解放者亞歷山大二世。

2011年3月3日，俄羅斯總統(tǒng)梅德韋杰夫在紀念俄羅斯廢除農(nóng)奴制150周年舉行的研討會上的講話具有十分重要的意義。為自由奮斗的各國人民應該認真閱讀這篇文獻。自由是可貴的——這就是梅德韋杰夫要表達的核心思想。因為自由是人類發(fā)自內(nèi)心的永恒的呼喚和追求。

俄羅斯總統(tǒng)梅德韋杰夫：下午好！

我很高興地歡迎這個專門討論俄羅斯十九世紀偉大改革的國際會議的與會者和嘉賓。

如果今天我們不認為這些改革是我們歷史的一個組成部分，這將是令人驚訝的。對于所有相信現(xiàn)代俄羅斯進步的人來說，仔細審查是科學和所有參與政治的人的絕對優(yōu)先事項。他們的詳細研究對于我們的經(jīng)濟和整個社會的現(xiàn)代化進程至關重要。

偉大的改革是這次大會和我們早些時候聽到的演講的主題。還有更多的關于偉大的改革的信息。偉大的改革開始于廢除農(nóng)奴制。我們國家今天和今年都在慶祝這個事件150周年。亞歷山大二世皇帝在圣彼得堡簽署了“解放宣言”。我剛剛把它拿在手里。這是一個絕對獨特的文件，包括內(nèi)容，努力程度以及對我們國家的重要性。

圣彼得堡是一個特殊的城市。彼得大帝將它定位為一個變革的城市。此后，圣彼得堡一直是我們國家與歐洲和睦相處的象征。

在十九世紀，當俄羅斯站在十字路口的時候，在歐洲國家正在形成的時候，就在這里開展了廣泛的轉型和經(jīng)濟變革，歐洲國家已經(jīng)有一些已經(jīng)完成或還有待改革。這是當時的必須。

俄羅斯也需要改變，成為與歐洲共享價值的先進國家。在這個時期，這個關鍵的選擇是對發(fā)展的選擇。它開始于廢除農(nóng)奴制，幾個世紀以來，這些奴隸制破壞了數(shù)百萬俄羅斯人民的人權和尊嚴。尋求人身自由使他們成為俄羅斯帝國的完全的成員，行使主動權并發(fā)表意見。

今天我們正在繼續(xù)改進我們的民主制度，這些制度仍然非常不完善，我們正試圖改變我們的經(jīng)濟，改變我們的政治制度。事實上，我們正在繼續(xù)150年前制定的歷程。

當然，我們不應該在改革后立即理想化這種情況，但這是他們的預期目的。這些改革促進了社會流動，促進了城市人口的增長，鼓勵了向資本主義經(jīng)濟管理過渡，最終為俄羅斯的經(jīng)濟進步與發(fā)展，國內(nèi)市場和工業(yè)增長的演變鋪平了道路。

土地改革緊隨其后的是城鄉(xiāng)改革，改變了地方政府的結構。這一切對我們今天的國家來說仍然是非常重要的。

法庭訴訟發(fā)生重大變化。俄羅斯在其1000年的歷史上首次見證了有爭議的行動，陪審團，治安法官和法律辯護的審判。

公共教育改革使所有社會階層都能接受教育。當時大學也獲得了一定程度的自主權。到當時為止，歐洲最嚴格的審查制度變得不那么嚴厲。

瓦西里·克柳切夫斯基（Vasily Klyuchevsky）寫道，在1861年2月19日以前的幾個世紀里，俄羅斯沒有任何具有重大意義的法律，同樣決定了我們生活中各種各樣領域的發(fā)展。顯然，整個國家一直在等待這些變革。俄羅斯最好的人民為這些改革而奮斗，并得到了被稱為“解放者”的亞歷山大二世皇帝的支持和執(zhí)行。偉大的改革對他來說肯定是一個巨大的挑戰(zhàn)，也是一個特別勇敢的行為。我們不能忘記這一點。

請記住，凱瑟琳大帝和亞歷山大一世都意識到有必要廢除農(nóng)奴制，農(nóng)奴制實際上是奴隸制。尼古拉一世在農(nóng)業(yè)問題上建立了九個秘密委員會，多次宣布要釋放農(nóng)民，給他們所有的土地。但是，這些堅決的統(tǒng)治者最終都沒有勇氣從上面進行革命。

正是亞歷山大二世命令將俄羅斯從不公正、古老和不人道的秩序中解放出來。正如任何承諾進行根本性改變的人一樣，他感到氣餒。他因為種種原因而氣餒。有些人訴諸于在這種情況下常常使用的論據(jù)，即國家會分崩離析，最終會變得混亂。最引人注意的是，人民還沒有為自由做好準備，他們不會贊賞，也不會知道什么與此有關——基本上說，他們就是不需要自由。

像任何改革者一樣，他很少聽到感激之情。他的一位同時代人說過：“無論皇帝做了什么，他的一切行動都遇到了批評和迫不及待的要求。”但是，作為一個偉大的改革者，亞歷山大二世知道俄羅斯必須與其他歐洲國家保持同等水準。他明白，俄羅斯需要自由，渴望自由。我想引用他的話，我以前已經(jīng)說過：“我太確定了我們?nèi)魏稳四軌蜃柚刮业纳袷ナ聵I(yè)。”

因此，在俄羅斯，農(nóng)奴制的奴隸制被廢除，早于包括美國在內(nèi)的其他許多國家。當然，當時在民主方面還沒有明確的理解，也沒有建立一個成熟的公民社會的需要，對這些概念的態(tài)度在這個時期是不同的。但最重要的是做出了選擇。自由成為俄羅斯整整一千年歷史上第一次的價值。這是至關重要的。給我們帶來自由的那個人為自由而獻身。

對政治和社會轉型的思考應該理性和循序漸進，但要堅定不移。對我們國家發(fā)生的事情的爭議可能永遠不會結束。這是人類探究的本質(zhì)，是歷史研究的本質(zhì)。但問題仍然存在。在幾十年之后，在我們國家中，自由的意愿如何結束于布爾什維克專政呢？誰對這個專政承擔更大的責任：那些徘徊在改革之中的或延遲改革的人們，或者反過來，那些在這個非常困難的局面中匆忙從事的人們呢？亞歷山大三世統(tǒng)治的反彈還是俄羅斯第一個議會過分的激進主義是不可避免的呢？最后，十月革命和隨之而來的古拉格是不可避免的嗎？有人認為，我國20世紀的慘劇是自由注入不成功的結果，認為偉大改革不適合我國人民的懷疑者是對的。

我持不同的看法。亞歷山大二世繼承了一個主要政治制度是農(nóng)奴制和軍事的和官僚指揮鏈的國家。他看到在帝國明顯強大背后這些機構的弱點和無效性——我們總是知道如何給人留下印象。經(jīng)濟效率低下，與發(fā)展目標不符的社會結構威脅到國家即將崩潰。

亞歷山大二世和他的支持者拋棄了陳規(guī)陋習，雖然這是非常困難的，但并指明了俄羅斯未來的道路。這是他們最大的成就。這條路很長、很困難，我們不能說到今天已經(jīng)完成了。但是，自由、正義和隨后的經(jīng)濟繁榮從來沒有快速而容易地向世界任何國家傳播。

我希望二十一世紀的俄羅斯能夠看到十九世紀改革派的正確和遠見。

今天我們正在繼續(xù)完善民主制度，這些制度仍然非常不完善。我們正試圖改變我們的經(jīng)濟，改變我們的政治制度。事實上，我們正在繼續(xù)150年前制定的歷程。我想提請你們注意這樣一個事實：有關我們國家的特殊方式或事實證明最可行的、長久的思想的蘇維埃實驗不是幻想，而是一種正常的、人道主義秩序的概念——這是由亞歷山大二世設想的。從歷史的角度來看，亞歷山大二世是正確的，而不是尼古拉一世和斯大林。

這個遙遠的時代的經(jīng)驗依然與我們的實際工作有關。我想列舉一些我今天認為重要的原則。在某種程度上，這是150年前處理經(jīng)驗的一部分。

首先，自由不能推遲到后來，我們不能害怕自由的個人不足以利用個人自由。那條路通向死胡同。

第二，政治和社會轉型應該理性、漸進和毫不動搖。

第三，不容忍、極端主義和恐怖主義的極端表現(xiàn)將仍然是自由發(fā)展的敵人。記住，對我們國家而言，這是一個巨大的問題，恐怖主義事實上似乎與大改革同時出現(xiàn)。

第四，我們必須明確，國家不是發(fā)展的目的，而是發(fā)展的工具。只有全社會參與這些過程才能產(chǎn)生所期望的積極效果，只有在這種情況下，我們才有機會取得成功。

第五，我們必須記住，國家是活的有機體，而不是復制當今流行思想的機器。通過擰緊螺絲不能讓國家團結在一起。另外，很明顯的是，過分苛刻的政策和過度的控制通常不會導致善戰(zhàn)勝惡，或參照現(xiàn)代現(xiàn)實，不會導致對腐敗的勝利而是促使腐敗成長，不會導致治理的進化而是導致治理的退化。因此，必須給予社會自我組織的機會。

同事們，

偉大改革的創(chuàng)始人和亞歷山大二世并不是僅僅考慮未來，而是創(chuàng)造了未來，這是最大的挑戰(zhàn)。實際的政治總是比最美麗的理論更難。但他們認為，這些改革可以在沒有動蕩或暴力的情況下實施，可以將落后的封建俄國變成一個現(xiàn)代和自由的國家。

現(xiàn)代化和進步的目標一直是增強社會、國際關系和日常生活中的自由，確保每個個體生命和基本權利與自由始終受到國家的保護。

免于恐懼、屈辱、貧窮、和疾病的自由，所有人的自由—— 這是我認為的發(fā)展的目標。這不僅僅是漂亮的修辭。這是每個理性的和現(xiàn)代的人所期望的。不同的話可以用來表達這一點，但這就是我們每天的想法。

我們將在明年慶祝俄羅斯國家1150周年，至少如果你贊同這個事實的傳統(tǒng)觀點的話。我想告知你們，今天我已經(jīng)簽署了關于組織慶?；顒拥男姓?。

我們國家已經(jīng)存在了11個多世紀。這個國家有很多不同的形式。它的政府，政治制度，戰(zhàn)略目標和生活方式都在不斷變化。我們的歷史是非常動蕩和戲劇性的，我們當然可以通過研究來了解很多。但我希望在過去的150年中，我們已經(jīng)逐漸意識到最重要的是：自由總是比沒有自由更好。

謝謝大家。

President ofRussia Dmitry Medvedev：Good afternoon，

I am happy to welcome all the participants and guests of this international conference devoted to the great 19th century reforms in Russia.

It would be surprising if today we did not perceive these reforms as an integral part of our history. Their careful scrutiny is an absolute priority for science and for all those involved in politics， for all who believe in the progress of modern Russia. Their detailed study is essential for the modernisation processes unfolding in our economy and in our society as a whole.

The age of great reforms， which is the theme of this conference and the presentations we heard earlier and of which there are more to come， began with the abolition of serfdom. Our country is marking the 150th anniversary of this event today and in the course of this year. Emperor Alexander II signed the Emancipation Manifesto in St Petersburg. I have just held it in my hands. It is an absolutely unique document both in terms of its content， the amount of effort involved in adopting it and its importance for our country.

St Petersburg is a special city. Peter the Great established it as a city of change. Since then St Petersburg has been a symbol of rapprochement between our country and Europe.

In the 19th century， when Russia stood at the crossroads， extensive transformations and economic changes were launched here just as they were taking shape in European countries， where some of them had already been completed or were still to come. This was an imperative of the time.

Russia also needed to change， to become an advanced country that shares values with Europe. This crucial choice， a choice for development and freedom was made in that period. It began with the abolition of serfdom， which had for centuries undermined the human rights and dignity of millions of Russian people. Finding personal freedom enabled them to become full-fledged subjects of the Russian Empire， to exercise their initiative and to express their opinions.

Of course， we should not idealise the situation immediately following the reforms， but that was their intended purpose. The reforms contributed to social mobility， promoted the growth of the urban population， encouraged the transition to capitalist forms of economic management and， ultimately， paved the way for Russia's economic progress and development， the evolution of the domestic market and industrial growth.

The land reform was followed by rural and urban reforms， which changed the structure of local government. All this remains extremely important for our country today.

Major changes occurred in court proceedings. For the first time in its 1000-year history， Russia saw the establishment of contested action， trial by jury， magistrate court and legal defence.

The public education reform made education accessible for all social classes. Universities also received some degree of autonomy at that time. Censorship， which up to that moment had been among the most stringent in Europe， became less severe.

Vasily Klyuchevsky wrote that in the course of the centuries preceding February 19， 1861 Russia had had no law of such monumental importance， one that determined to an equal extent the development of a wide variety of spheres in our lives. It is obvious that the entire country had been waiting for these transformations. The best minds in Russia fought for these reforms and they were supported and carried out by Emperor Alexander II， who has been rightly called the Liberator. The great reforms were certainly an enormous challenge for him and an exceptionally courageous act. We must not forget this.

Bear in mind that Catherine the Great and Alexander I had both been conscious of the need to abolish serfdom， which was in effect slavery. Emperor Nicholas I established nine secret committees on agrarian issues， repeatedly declared that he wanted to free the peasants and give them the land they had worked. But ultimately none of these resolute rulers had the courage to carry out the revolution from above.

It became the destiny of Alexander II to liberate Russia from the unjust， archaic and inhuman order. As it happens with any person who undertakes to carry out fundamental changes， he was discouraged. He was discouraged by many and for various reasons. Some resorted to the arguments always used in such cases， that the country would fall apart， that it would descend into chaos and most notably， that the people were not ready for freedom， that they wouldnt appreciate it and wouldnt know what to do with it – basically， that they simply didnt need freedom.

Like any reformer， he rarely heard words of gratitude. One of his contemporaries said： “Whatever the Emperor did， all his actions met with criticism and impatient demands.” But as a great reformer， Alexander II knew that Russia must stand on a par with other European states. He understood that Russia needed freedom， that it yearned for freedom. I would like to quote his words， which I think have already sounded earlier： “I am too certain of our sacred cause for anyone to be able to stop me.”

Thus the slavery of serfdom was abolished in Russia — and earlier than in many other countries， including the United States. Of course， at the time there was no clear understanding of democracy or of the need to establish a mature civil society， and the attitude towards these concepts was different at that period. But most importantly， the choice was made. Freedom became a value for the first time in the entire 1000-year history of Russia. That is crucial. And the man who brought us freedom gave his life for it.

Disputes about what happened to our country later will probably never end. This is the essence of human inquiry， the essence of historical research. But the questions will remain. How could it happen that in our country the desire for freedom ended with the Bolshevik dictatorship several decades later Who bears greater responsibility for this dictatorship： those who lingered with the reforms and postponed them or， conversely， those who acted too hastily and tried to achieve too much in a very difficult situation Was the backlash of the Alexander III reign or the excessive radicalism of the first Russian parliaments inevitable Finally， was the October Revolution unavoidable with the gulags that followed Some believe that our countrys tragic 20th century history was the result of an unsuccessful freedom injection and that the sceptics who believed the great reforms were not suitable for the people of our country had been right.

I hold a different view. Alexander II had inherited a country whose major political institutions were serfdom and the military and bureaucratic chain of command. He saw the weakness and futility of these institutions behind the apparent might of the empire – and we always knew how to make an impression. Inefficient economy and a social structure that was incompatible with development goals threatened an imminent collapse of the country.

Alexander II and his supporters abandoned conventions， although it was extremely difficult， and showed Russia the path into the future. This is their greatest achievement. This path was long and very difficult， and we cannot say that it has been completed to this day. But freedom， justice， and the subsequent economic prosperity never came quickly and easily to any nation in the world.

I hope that 21st century Russia will bear witness to the rightness and far-sightedness of the 19th century reformers.

Today we are continuing to improve our democratic institutions， which are still very imperfect， trying to change our economy and to transform our political system. In fact， we are continuing the course that was laid 150 years ago. I would like to draw your attention to the fact that it's not the fantasy about our nations special way or the Soviet experiment that turned out be the most viable， long-lived ideas， but the concept of a normal， humane order which was conceived by Alexander II. And ultimately， from the historical perspective he was right， and not Nicholas I or Stalin.

The experience of that distant age remains relevant to our practical efforts. I would like to name a few principles that I consider important today. In a way， this is part of processing the experience of 150 years ago.

First of all， freedom cannot be postponed until later and we must not be afraid that a free individual may make an inadequate use of a personal freedom. That path leads to a dead end.

Second， political and social transformations should be thought out， rational and gradual but unfaltering.

Third， intolerance， extremism and terrorism as its extreme manifestation will remain the enemies of free development. Bear in mind that terrorism， which is a huge problem for our country， in fact， appeared as a phenomenon almost simultaneously with the great reforms.

Fourth， we must be clear that the state is not the purpose of development but a development tool. Only the involvement of all of society in these processes can give the desired positive effect， and only in this case do we stand a chance of success.

Fifth， we must remember that the nation is a living organism and not a machine for replicating the prevailing ideas of the day. It cannot be kept together by tightened screws. It is also clear that excessively harsh policies and an excess of control usually do not lead to the triumph of good over evil， or with reference to modern reality， to a victory over corruption but to its growth， not to the evolution of governance but to its degradation. It is therefore essential to give society opportunities for self-organisation.

Colleagues，

The authors of the great reforms and Alexander II did not just think about the future but created it， and that is the biggest challenge. Practical politics is always more difficult than the most beautiful theories. But they believed that the reforms could be implemented without turmoil or violence， that it was possible to transform the backward and feudal Russia into a modern and free country.

The aim of modernisation and progress has always been to enhance freedom in society， in international relations and in everyday life， to ensure that each individual life and fundamental rights and freedoms are always protected by the state.

Freedom from fear， from humiliation， from poverty， from disease， freedom for all – that is the aim of development as I see it. This is not just high rhetoric. This is what every reasonable and modern person expects. Different words can be used to express this but this is what we think about every day.

We will celebrate the 1150th anniversary of Russian statehood next year， at least if you subscribe to the conventional point of view on this fact. I would like to inform you that today I have signed an executive order on the organisation of events for the celebration.

Our state， our country has existed for over 11 centuries. This state took very different forms. Its government， political regime， strategic goals and way of life have all changed through the ages. Our history was very turbulent and dramatic， and we can certainly understand a great deal by studying it. But I hope that in the last 150 years we have come to realise the most important thing： that freedom is always better than its absence. Thank you.

資料來源：http：//en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/10506

作者簡介：蔣華志，1963年9月，男，漢族，四川蒼溪人。歷史學碩士、樂山師范學院馬克思主義學院副教授。研究方向：中國近現(xiàn)代史、國際關系史、英語教學方法。四川省樂山市 樂山師范學院 614004