The Future of China-US Relations: Toward a New Cold War or a Restart of Strategic Cooperation?

Wang Fan

In recent years， anti-China elements in the US have， out of selfinterest and political bias， engaged in unscrupulous smear campaigns， irrational suppression and sanctions， and even ideological confrontation against China， in an attempt to push China-US relations to the brink of a new Cold War. The China-US relationship is in its most testing time since the establishment of diplomatic relations.1 Academics differ on whether the relationship is entering a new Cold War， but all agree that it is getting colder and even carry the risk of a vicious downward spiral. As US President Joe Biden pledged to make adjustments to American foreign policy upon taking office， China holds expectations for China-US relations. In his congratulatory message to Biden on election as US President， Chinese President Xi Jinping expressed hope that “the two sides will uphold the spirit of non-conflict， non-confrontation， mutual respect and win-win cooperation， focus on cooperation， manage differences， and advance the healthy and stable development of China-US ties.”2 This article reexamines the current status of China-US relations and explores a path to restart strategic cooperation between the two sides.

The Risk of a New Cold War between China and the US

With a relative decline of US global influence， especially in Asia， and the rising influence of China， the US believes the turning point has come for global balance of power. The China-US conflict is essentially the competition for comprehensive power with the economy at its core， coupled with military pressure or military confrontation. At the economic level， the US aims to prevent China’s possible economic overtaking， leading to a dilemma between China’s legitimate demands for economic development and US attempt to stop China’s overall economic development. Meanwhile， the US seeks to establish a new international system that excludes China， leading to another dilemma between US plan to start all over again and China’s effort to maintain the existing international system.

Some anti-China forces in the US believe that the China-US conflict has characteristics similar to those of the Cold War， and a negotiation or reconciliation is almost impossible because differences between the two sides are obvious and fundamental. Militarily， they allege that China is committed to pushing US Navy and Air Force away from the Western Pacific， including the South China Sea and the East China Sea， a sphere of influence that the US will not simply concede. Economically， trade talks between the two countries have struggled to make substantial progress. Ideologically， they claim that the philosophical divide between the American and Chinese systems is becoming as great as the gap between American democracy and Soviet communism.3 “It is a strategic competition between two major powers—the established power and the emerging power—for global influence and leadership.... It is about their differences in governance and how their societies operate， which are rooted in their own histories， cultures and values.”4

Over the past few years， the United States has increased its strategic competition with China， including provoking trade frictions， escalating scrutiny of Chinese investments in the name of national security， denying visas to Chinese students studying science and technology， and blacklisting or imposing sanctions on Chinese companies. Since the outbreak of COVID-19， the US has been tougher on China. It has severely accused China of its policy related to Xinjiang， lobbied Europe against Chinese security inspection products company Tongfang Nuctech， imposed visa restrictions on Chinese officials over Hong Kong-related issues， and terminated Chinese-funded cultural exchange programs. China has responded resolutely to above-mentioned interference and smearing from the US. The two sides have been escalating tit-for-tat with increasing measures and counter-measures.

With the China-US comprehensive competition and a revival of Cold War mentality in the US， the US government is mobilizing resources to intensify trade， technological， financial， ideological and cultural wars against China. In July 2020， then Secretary of State Mike Pompeo delivered a speech that some have likened to a “Cold War declaration” against China. He said “the old paradigm of blind engagement with China since the Nixon administration simply won’t get it done.”5 “The combined effect could prove to be Mr. Trump’s most consequential foreign policy legacy， even if it’s not one he has consistently pursued： the entrenchment of a fundamental strategic and ideological confrontation between the world’s two largest economies，”explained Edward Wong and Steven Myers from The New York Times.6

Opinions differ on the status quo of China-US relations. Some believe that the two countries have fallen into a “Thucydides Trap，” with some US politicians even thinking that a new Cold War with China has begun.7 Besides， US leaders are more and more framing its national security policies under the concept of Cold War， which is commonly understood by American people as great-power competition over politics， technology， military and values.8 More than 60 percent of Chinese scholars also hold that the US is waging a new Cold War against China， according to a telephone survey of 100 Chinese scholars by a project team on China-US people-topeople exchanges at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies， Renmin University of China.9

Another view is that China and the US have not yet entered a new Cold War. The US-Soviet Cold War was a deadly one， and their competition was global and all-encompassing. In contrast， the current China-US competition is not all-round， but mainly in geopolitical and technological fields， and is not global， but only in the Western Pacific region.10 It is simply a quantitative variation of major-power competition， not a harbinger of qualitative change toward a new Cold War.

Some also consider China-US conflict as a new type of relation， instead of another Cold War. Unlike the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union， the technology sector is an important battleground for the US to contain China. The US will focus on restricting the flow of technology to China and reshaping the global supply chain.11 This is a new type of conflict among major powers， which includes trade war， technology war， financial war， biological war， even public opinion war and cyber war. There is also a view that China-US relations are not entering a new Cold War but building a new Iron Curtain， and the difference lies in the low-risk nature of current China-US confrontation， the United States’ high sensitivity to potential costs， and the controllability of negative impacts. The strategy of a new Iron Curtain does not seek elimination of the enemy， but aims to put the rival under control.12

Despite the difference between today’s China-US relations and USSoviet relations back in the Cold War， a new Cold War strategy of the US has taken shape， which tries to turn China into the Soviet Union and forces China to respond in a Cold War manner， get drawn into competition and fall into a trap， while the US could contain China’s rise especially at a time when the latter is in lack of high technology and urgently seeks breakthroughs. The major battlefields in the new Cold War would be invisible without the smoke of gunpowder， including trade war， financial war， cyber war， technology war and talent war.

However， to support its actions on the invisible battlefields， the US is likely to heat up the real battlefield by crossing China’s red lines and creating crises on the brink of a war， hoping that China itself would mess things up. Although China has no intention of intensifying its conflict with the US， it may still have to fight tit-for-tat as the US continues to provoke and interfere with China’s core interests. In this sense， China and the US are not yet in a new Cold War， but are more likely to be in one if the US continues its current policy.

Possibility of Restarting China-US Strategic Cooperation

China and the United States are strategic competitors， not strategic rivals. It is imperative to avoid the transition of bilateral relations from competition to rivalry. In fact， cooperation is possible even between competitors. Historically， China and the US are not old enemies， and have no territorial disputes or historical grudges. During World War II， the two countries fought together against fascism. Since the beginning of the 21st century， they have strengthened coordination and cooperation in areas of counter-terrorism and non-proliferation. As another example of China-US cooperation， after the 2008 global financial crisis， major economies including China and the US formed the G20， and the big role that China played with the fiscal stimulus program helped to lift the whole world out of recession.13 In 2014， the two countries sent medical teams to Africa and worked with multiple countries to successfully stem the spread of Ebola. In 2016， they worked with the international community to reach the Paris Agreement on climate change. Practice shows that the China-US relationship has long transcended the bilateral sphere and is of global significance and impact.

The deep economic interdependence makes it difficult for China and the United States to completely decouple from each other. The fact that trade friction does not lead to decoupling shows that the two sides can and must find a win-win path for bilateral economic and trade relations. “The past 40-plus years have witnessed a more than 250-fold increase in bilateral trade. As a major market for US exports， China has supported around 2.6 million American jobs. A total of 72，500 US companies have investments in China， and the overwhelming majority of them have made a fortune.”14

While the flow of personnel between China and the US has been cut off during the COVID-19 pandemic， the flow of goods has increased. Bilateral trade reached $234 billion in the first half of 2020， topping $50 billion in June alone.15 A survey by the American Chamber of Commerce in China（AmCham China） suggests that many US companies are reluctant to leave China and are willing to maintain or increase their investment in China.16 Today， the China-US relationship “combines increasingly sharp competition with a still-significant interdependence.”17 If either side is truly going to decouple from the other， there must be an alternative. It is unrealistic and counterproductive for the US to completely decouple from China.18

With mounting non-traditional security challenges， the two countries need to work together， for example， in areas of climate change， ecological degradation， terrorism， cyber security， transnational crime， and epidemic diseases. They are more urgent and， if left untended， more harmful than the consequences of China-US conflict. The loss of wealth， jobs， and lives in the United States during COVID-19 is far greater than that caused by ChinaUS economic competition. The outbreak of COVID-19 demonstrates that a pandemic can disrupt our daily lives， block economic interactions， and pose a huge disaster to human society. Its impact is comparable to or may even surpass a war. “Even as China emerges as a more formidable competitor than the Soviet Union， it has also become an essential US partner. Global problems that are difficult enough to solve even when the United States and China work together will be impossible to solve if they fail to do so.”19

China does not want to engage in a new Cold War with the United States， nor seek to promote its way of governance around the world. China has followed a unique path， but it does not export its system or model of development to other countries. It respects different choices of development path consistent with national conditions. With a tolerant attitude toward ideological issues， it avoids direct ideological confrontation and stresses that ideological disputes can be defused. China has no intention of a titfor-tat ideological competition with the US. Despite repeated provocations by the US， China stays calm and exercises restraints， hoping that ChinaUS competition or conflict is limited in scope and the two sides continue to avoid armed conflicts. Notably， many US scholars have recognized that China has acted with reason and restraint， and never intentionally increased confrontation against the US. In an exclusive interview with Xinhua News Agency， China’s State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi proposed a clear-cut framework for China-US relations： first， steer clear of red lines and avoid confrontation； second， keep the channels open for candid dialogue； third， reject decoupling and uphold cooperation； and fourth， abandon the zero-sum mentality and stand up to shared responsibilities.20

There is a lack of public support for the new Cold War in the US. The deep trade interdependence between China and the US leads to higher costs of a possible new Cold War compared to the one between the US and the Soviet Union. The US will pay a much higher price if there is a new Cold War with China. “160 US companies sent a co-signed letter to Congress urging the lifting of tariffs on China. The tariffs， they say， cost Americans$50 billion more in duties in 2019 and raised average household expenditure by $1，277. The trade war has wiped out $1.7 trillion of the market value of listed American firms.”21 William Burns， President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace， writes about middle-class perceptions of US foreign policy in Ohio， Colorado and Nebraska. His study presents a huge conceptual gap between the US government and the citizens it serves. For example， unlike the hawks with a tougher stance toward China in Washington policy circles， the Americans interviewed have little appetite for a new， all-consuming Cold War with China.22 “If a new Cold War starts， we（Americans） will all pay some price for growing hostility toward China， even if it does not lead to a Hot War. For most Americans， what comes first could be a less-than-expected economic recovery in the post COVID-19 era.”23 While there is a bipartisan consensus on a tougher crackdown on China， there is no consensus on a new Cold War.

A new Cold War will hardly get support from the international community. According to China’s Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng in an interview， former statesmen and scholars from 48 countries initiated an online event， declaring that “any new Cold War against China is against the interests of humanity.” They issued a joint statement， “No to the New Cold War，” in 14 languages， which was a strong call for the United States to stop forming cliques and dividing the world.24 China has been deeply integrated into the international community and contributed to the building of a global community of interests. China is the largest trading partner of more than 120 countries and regions， including major US allies such as Australia， Japan and New Zealand. While the US could mobilize allies by emphasizing the Soviet threat to world security during the Cold War， now the allies are reluctant to cut off commercial ties with China， let alone to form an anti-China camp.25 Even Pompeo himself acknowledged the difficulty of building an alliance against China， and was “disappointed” at the number of countries supporting China.26

In short， China and the US remain interdependent. Their relationship is global， strategic， complementary and mutually beneficial， featuring frequent exchanges and mutual learning. Cooperation between the two sides is still possible. After the new US administration takes office， there is an urgent need for China and the US to advance a new strategic consensus. The Biden administration is likely to take a realistic and balanced view of challenges from China， adjust US strategies， and strengthen ties with China on major issues where cooperation is necessary.27 It is possible for the two countries to balance bilateral competition and cooperation by addressing each other’s concerns.28

Exploring Ways to Develop China-US Strategic Cooperation

There has always been cooperation between China and the United States. It is sometimes the mainstay and sometimes a minor aspect of the relationship between the two countries. Strategic cooperation can unilaterally promote functional cooperation in technical fields： the former can definitely promote the latter， while not necessarily vice versa. China-US cooperation on climate change during the Obama administration was a highlight. However， this positive cooperation did not spill over to other fields. In the Trump era， the scope of cooperation between China and the US was narrowed down to only the area of cancer treatment. European integration is a good example of promoting cooperation between countries via functional cooperation， but this process also started with a joint operation in the strategic coal and steel industries. Even among major strategic competitors， there are also areas where cooperation can be possible. In this case， functional cooperation is one requirement for the strategic stability of major-power relations. In fact， there was cooperation between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War， such as the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons， which was agreed upon by the two sides in 1967. Since the conflict between China and the US is not more acute than that between the US and the Soviet Union， there are still opportunities for cooperation between the two countries.

China and the United States still have extensive economic ties， and both countries are facing a large number of non-traditional security threats such as the COVID-19 pandemic and traditional security challenges like the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue. The two countries should promote cooperation in specific areas from a strategic height， and facilitate large-scale cooperation through these concrete efforts. While maintaining the overall stability of economic cooperation， China and the US should resume cooperation on non-traditional security issues and strengthen cooperation on traditional security issues. These should be the key points for exploring how the two sides conduct strategic cooperation.

Maintaining the overall stability of economic cooperation

China must resolutely fight back against tough US pressure， especially the attacks on China’s core interests. At the same time， the two countries still need to work hard to maintain the overall stability of bilateral relations and promote bilateral cooperation.

China and the United States can cooperate not because of mutual recognition， but because cooperation can bring mutual benefit and winwin results. When President Nixon visited China in the 1970s， he made it clear that he was visiting China for the national interests of the United States. The reason why China and the US have been able to cooperate since the establishment of diplomatic relations is that both sides can benefit from the cooperation. The current issues in China-US relations emerge in the process of bilateral cooperation， and are mostly related to the redistribution of benefits from cooperation and the different expectations for win-win cooperation. The two countries should still work hard to rebuild consensus and promote as much cooperation as possible， while striving to enhance the benefits of cooperation， expand its functions and facilitate broader and more macroscopic ties. Driven by common interests， China-US economic and trade cooperation remains an irresistible trend that cannot be hindered or interrupted by a few politicians with ulterior motives. Facts have shown that cooperation between China and the US continues even as the US government turns economic and trade issues between the two countries into political and security issues. Since 2020， American companies such as Exxon Mobil， Honeywell， Tesla and Walmart have been expanding their investment in and cooperation with China. China and the US will have more opportunities for cooperation in areas such as information and communication technologies， artificial intelligence， e-learning and telemedicine. As China further opens up， American companies will enjoy more profitable investment opportunities in China. China and the US can also develop third-party cooperation in other countries and regions around infrastructure projects and the digital economy.

Resuming cooperation on non-traditional security issues

China and the United States should cooperate on the many areas that the two sides can jointly work on. As Chinese Ambassador to the United States Cui Tiankai pointed out，

Going forward there are clear， new opportunities for our two countries to strengthen our cooperation， to build a stronger relationship between us. One of these opportunities is the cooperation to deal with the current pandemic， to develop treatment， cures， possible vaccines， to save life， to protect people’s livelihood， to protect jobs， to restart economic growth， and to give people better confidence in the economic prospects. We should also resume and strengthen our cooperation on issues like climate change， and even on some of the international hotspot issues or conflicts， like the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue， and the Iranian nuclear issue.29

Yang Jiechi， Director of the Office of China’s Central Foreign Affairs Commission， also said，

The two sides need to expand exchanges and cooperation in energy， law enforcement and counter-narcotics as well as sub-national cooperation and people-to-people exchanges. The two militaries need to enhance exchanges and make full use of the confidence-building mechanism to make the military-to-military relationship a stabilizing factor in bilateral relations. The two sides should also engage in close coordination and cooperation on the Korean Peninsula， Afghanistan， the Middle East， cybersecurity， climate change， public health and other international and regional issues so that the Chinese and American people and the whole world can benefit more from cooperation among China， the US and other countries.30

Joe Biden has said that he will rejoin the Paris Agreement and the Iran nuclear deal， and promote denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.31 There will be plenty of opportunities for China-US cooperation in these areas.

China and the United States can now work together to address the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change. As a country that quickly contained the COVID-19 pandemic， China has been committed to supporting other countries， especially developing countries. The cooperation between China and the US on the COVID-19 pandemic has actually been underway for a long time. However， due to certain political factors in the US， the cooperation between the two countries is now limited to trade in goods and materials. The exchange of experience is also limited to interregional or inter-hospital exchanges. After Joe Biden takes office， China and the US are expected to develop public health exchanges at the national level. The two countries may engage in scientific and technological exchanges， especially in technical fields such as the development and distribution of vaccines， thus changing the situation that the two countries have been fighting COVID-19 separately since its outbreak. Vaccines in China and the US each have their own advantages and characteristics. If the two countries can strengthen cooperation in this medical field， the vaccines can be more targeted and more applicable， thus helping more people out of the pandemic. To protect lives， vaccines must not be monopolized and must be shared more widely.

The Biden administration is expected to adopt a completely different climate change policy from the Trump administration， with a return to the Paris Agreement as an important part. China has pledged to have carbon dioxide emissions peak before 2030 and strive for carbon neutrality before 2060. Climate change is worse today than it was in 2016 before Donald Trump took office. Extreme weather and climate events caused by climate change have taken a heavy toll on Asia-Pacific countries including China and the United States. The China-US Climate Change Working Group， the China-US Clean Energy Research Center and the China-US Strategic and Economic Dialogue were established during the Obama administration as mechanisms for climate change coordination between the two countries. They can well serve as proven mechanisms and come back into play when Joe Biden takes office. As the world’s two largest carbon emitters， there are extensive opportunities for cooperation between China and the US in agenda-setting， technological exchange and rules-making on climate change issues. The two countries should set a new benchmark for cooperation between major countries.

Strengthening cooperation on traditional security issues

As mentioned above， there are many opportunities for cooperation between China and the United States on non-traditional security issues. In areas related to traditional security， there is also cooperation potential between the two sides. For example， as for the Iranian nuclear issue， China has always supported the implementation of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action （JCPOA）. In response to the Trump administration’s withdrawal from the deal in May 2018， the Chinese Foreign Ministry said， “China calls on all relevant parties to assume a responsible attitude， bear in mind the long-term and overall picture， stay committed to solving problems through political and diplomatic ways， properly handle differences and return as soon as possible to the right track of continuing with the implementation of the JCPOA.”32 If the Biden administration rejoins the JCPOA， China and the United States can then cooperate on the implementation of the nuclear deal.

The Korean Peninsula nuclear issue is another area where China and the US may cooperate. With consensus on non-proliferation of nuclear weapons， the peace process on the Korean Peninsula， and regional stability， it is possible for the two countries to reach a new strategic consensus. A war between the US and the DPRK would be a disaster for China， and without China the US cannot resolve the nuclear issue alone.33 Joe Biden has made it clear that he will work with US allies and other countries， including China， to advance the goal of denuclearizing the Korean Peninsula.34 Although this statement is unclear in direction and lacks specific measures， it reveals that the Biden administration has realized that cooperation with China is essential if it wants to make progress on the nuclear issue. Both China and the United States should play their roles on the nuclear issue and try to meet each other halfway. China maintains a firm position on the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue in the following three aspects： it is determined to resolve the Korean Peninsula issue through dialogue， denuclearize the Peninsula and establish a peace regime in a phased and synchronized manner， and also do its best to prevent a war on the Peninsula.35 The objectives of China and the US on the Korean Peninsula nuclear issue are to some extent overlapping， and there are also similarities in the two countries’ approach to resolving this issue. This provides opportunities for creative China-US cooperation on traditional security issues.

“China-US relations will not be able to return to the past， but we cannot totally deny the past either.”36 The key to current China-US relations is to stop its further deterioration. To achieve this， it is essential to make good use of bilateral economic and trade ties， which has long served as the ballast stone of bilateral relations. Therefore， to restart strategic cooperation between China and the United States， the two countries should first stabilize the overall situation of bilateral economic cooperation. On this basis， the two countries could explore how to cooperate on current non-traditional security issues such as the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change. There are also opportunities for cooperation between the two countries on traditional security issues， with breakthroughs likely to be made on Iranian and Korean Peninsula nuclear issues. In addition， there is extensive cooperation space between the two sides in combating drug crimes， strengthening arms control，37 and building mechanisms to effectively manage potential crises between the two militaries.38

Conclusion

As China-US relations continue to deteriorate， the two countries are facing enormous challenges in advancing bilateral strategic and even functional cooperation. Some American scholars are pessimistic about China-US cooperation， believing that it is difficult for US and Chinese security interests to be fully aligned. Many analysts have talked about finding a balance between competition and cooperation between China and the US. However， this is becoming increasingly difficult. There will always be areas of cooperation between the two countries. However， whether these areas are of strategic value and can offset the divergent interests between the two sides remains a question.39

However， the extreme practices that occurred during the US election season and the pandemic may be mitigated with a change in the domestic political situation in the United States， which could bring new opportunities for China-US cooperation. As long as China and the US do not give up cooperation in these difficult times， the two countries may be able to usher in more extensive and profound cooperation. To break new ground in bilateral cooperation， both countries need to be patient and persistent. The two sides should start with small and easy areas of cooperation before touching upon broader and more challenging issues， and focus on finding new ways to cooperate. Joe Biden’s rise to power may bring an opportunity for the United States to adjust its policy toward China. Undoubtedly， it will be difficult for China and the US to restart strategic cooperation against the backdrop of a possible US domestic consensus to be tough on China. However， China must fight for areas and opportunities for cooperation as long as they exist. It must work to instill more substantial content in bilateral cooperation， and turn small and partial cooperation into larger and more strategic cooperation. The two sides can also establish new specialized dialogue mechanisms in functional areas to promote cooperation in a pragmatic and efficient manner.

Looking back， almost all of the resistance the United States is encountering in international relations and regional politics today is inextricably linked to its unilateral threats， sanctions and intervention during the Cold War era. As a Chinese saying goes， “Past experience， if not forgotten， is a guide for the future.” The Chinese and American peoples who experienced the Cold War should have enough wisdom and ability to avoid repeating the same mistakes. The people of the world will not let China and the United States stage a new Cold War either. China must embrace the new situation in global-oriented major-country diplomacy and coordinate the relationships with other major powers arising from the complexity. China should also pay attention to comprehensive， holistic and innovative thinking as it makes more friends globally. At a time when some American politicians are going against the trend of the times， people of vision in both countries must revive the spirit of “ping-pong diplomacy” to promote a new round of development in China-US relations.

1 “Serving the Country and Contributing to the World： China’s Diplomacy in a Time of Unprecedented Global Changes and a Once-in-a-Century Pandemic—Address by H.E. Wang Yi State Councilor and Minister of Foreign Affairs at the Symposium on the International Situation and China’s Foreign Relations in 2020，” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China， December 11， 2020， https：//www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/ zxxx_662805/t1839532.shtml.

2 “Xi Congratulates Biden on Election as U.S. President，” Xinhua， November 25， 2020， http：//www. xinhuanet.com/english/2020-11/25/c_139542636.htm.

3 Robert D. Kaplan， “A New Cold War Has Begun，” Foreign Policy， January 7， 2019， https：//foreignpolicy. com/2019/01/07/a-new-cold-war-has-begun.

4 Yuen Foong Khong，“The United States，China and the Cold War analogy，” China International Strategy Review，Vol.1，No.2，December 2019.

5 Michael R. Pompeo， “Communist China and the Free World’s Future，” US Department of State （2017-2021）， July 23， 2020， https：//2017-2021.state.gov/communist-china-and-the-free-worlds-future-2/index. html.

6 Edward Wong and Steven Lee Myers， “Officials Push U.S.-China Relations toward Point of No Return，”The New York Times， July 27， 2020， https：//www.nytimes.com/2020/07/25/world/asia/us-china-trump-xi. html.

7 Michael T. Klare， “A Full-Blown Cold War with China Could be Disastrous，” The Nation， June 12， 2020， https：//www.thenation.com/article/world/a-full-blown-cold-war-with-china-could-be-disastrous.

8 Jacob Stokes， “Who Cares if the U.S. is in a ‘New Cold War’ with China？” United States Institute of Peace， February 26， 2020， https：//www.usip.org/publications/2020/02/who-cares-if-us-new-cold-war-china. 9 China-US People-to-People Exchanges Project Team at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies，“China Can Well Handle a Possible Cold War Launched by the US，” Global Times， 2020， p.7.

10 Yao Yang， “How the US and China Can Avoid a Hot War，” Enterprise Observer， No.8， 2020， pp.74-81.

11 Adam Segal， “The Coming Tech Cold War with China： Beijing is Already Countering Washington’s Policy，” Foreign Affairs， September 9， 2020， https：//www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/north-america/ 2020-09-09/coming-tech-cold-war-china.

12 Yu Haiyang and Ma Yue， “New Iron Curtain or New Cold War； Current Status of China-US Relations and China’s Response，” Social Sciences Digest， No.5， 2020， pp.36-38.

13 “Ambassador Cui Tiankai Takes an Interview with Former US Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson at the Podcast Program ‘Straight Talk with Hank Paulson’ （Transcript），” Embassy of China in the United States， September 17， 2020， http：//www.china-embassy.org/eng/zmgxss/t1815645.htm.

14 “The Trend toward China-US Cooperation is Unstoppable—Remarks by Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng at the Video Dialogue on Sino-US Relations Co-hosted by the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs and the Asia Society，” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China， July 8， 2020， https：//www.fmprc.gov.cn/ mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/zyjh_665391/t1795915.shtml.

15 Le Yucheng， “Firmly Grasp the Right Direction of China-US Relations，” People， September 7， 2020， http：//world.people.com.cn/n1/2020/0907/c1002-31851826.html.

16 “The Trend toward China-US Cooperation is Unstoppable—Remarks by Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng at the Video Dialogue on Sino-US Relations Co-hosted by the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs and the Asia Society.”

17 Hal Brands and Jake Sullivan， “China Has Two Paths to Global Domination，” Foreign Policy， May 22， 2020， https：//foreignpolicy.com/2020/05/22/china-superpower-two-paths-global-domination-cold-war.

18 Andrea Shalal， “Biden Adviser Says Unrealistic to ‘Fully Decouple’ from China，” Reuters， September 22， 2020， https：//www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-trade-china-biden-idUSKCN26D1SM.

19 Kurt M. Campbell and Jake Sullivan， “Competition without Catastrophe，” Foreign Affairs， September/ October 2019， https：//www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/competition-with-china-without-catastrophe.

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21 “The Trend toward China-US Cooperation is Unstoppable—Remarks by Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng at the Video Dialogue on Sino-US Relations Co-hosted by the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs and the Asia Society.”

22 William J. Burns， “The Blob Meets the Heartland，” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace， September 24， 2020， https：//carnegieendowment.org/2020/09/24/blob-meets-heartland-pub-82781.

23 Jeffrey Bader， “Avoiding a New Cold War between the US and China，” The Brookings Institution， August 17， 2020， https：//www.brookings.edu/blog/order-from-chaos/2020/08/17/avoiding-a-new-cold-warbetween-the-us-and-china/.

24 “Reviving the Cold War is Anachronistic—Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng’s Exclusive Interview with Guancha.cn，” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China， August 12， 2020， https：//www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_ eng/wjbxw/t1805747.shtml.

25 Ben Westcott， “There’s Talk of a New Cold War. But China is Not the Soviet Union，” CNN， January 2， 2020， https：//edition.cnn.com/2020/01/02/asia/us-china-cold-war-intl-hnk/index.html.

26 “Review of the FY 2021 State Department Budget Request，” U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations， July 30， 2020， https：//www.foreign.senate.gov/hearings/review-of-the-fy-2021-state-departmentbudget-request-073020.

27 “Susan Thornton Discusses US-China Relations，” China Research Center， November 18， 2020， https：// www.chinacenter.net/2020/news/susan-thornton-discusses-us-china-relations.

28 Fu Ying， “Cooperative Competition is Possible between China and the U.S.，” The New York Times， November 24， 2020， https：//www.nytimes.com/2020/11/24/opinion/china-us-biden.html.

29 “Ambassador Cui Tiankai Takes an Interview with Former US Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson at the Podcast Program ‘Straight Talk with Hank Paulson’ （Transcript）.”

30 Yang Jiechi， “Respect History， Look to the Future and Firmly Safeguard and Stabilize China-US Relations，” Xinhua， August 7， 2020， http：//www.xinhuanet.com/english/2020-08/07/c_139272907.htm.

31 Joseph R. Biden， Jr.， “Why America Must Lead Again，” Foreign Affairs， January 23， 2020， https：// www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2020-01-23/why-america-must-lead-again.

32 “The Ministry of Foreign Affairs Responds to the US President’s Announcement to Withdraw from the JCPOA，” Central People’s Government of China， May 9， 2018， http：//www.gov.cn/xinwen/2018-05/09/ content_5289623.htm.

33 James Stavridis， “Can the U.S. and China Cooperate？ Sure，” Bloomberg， July 31， 2020， https：//www. bloomberg.com/opinion/articles/2020-08-01/u-s-and-china-can-cooperate-on-covid-climate-and-the-arctic.

34 Joseph R. Biden， Jr.， “Why America Must Lead Again.”

35 “South Korean President Moon Jae-in Meets with Wang Yi，” Xinhua， November 26， 2020， http：//www. xinhuanet.com/world/2020-11/26/c_1126791262.htm.

36 “The Trend toward China-US Cooperation is Unstoppable—Remarks by Vice Foreign Minister Le Yucheng at the Video Dialogue on Sino-US Relations Co-hosted by the Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs and the Asia Society.”

37 James Stavridis， “Can the U.S. and China Cooperate？ Sure.”

38 Fu Ying， “Cooperative Competition is Possible between China and the U.S.”

39 Evan S. Medeiros， “The Changing Fundamentals of US-China Relations，” Washington Quarterly， Vol.3， No.3， 2019， p.93.