羽戈
趙柏田置身江南的傳統(tǒng)之中書(shū)寫(xiě)江南的傳統(tǒng),三百年恍如昨日,黃宗羲好像就是剛在中山西路擦肩而過(guò)的神情疲憊的蒼顏老者。
1995年前后,趙柏田就嘗試寫(xiě)王陽(yáng)明及其背后“清峻、堅(jiān)硬、散發(fā)著初冬的空氣一般甘洌的氣息”的明朝中期生活,以各種不同的形式去寫(xiě)。但是,當(dāng)他開(kāi)筆寫(xiě)下:“距今489年前,亦即1507年春天,明朝的一個(gè)京官被逐出了北京城,他就是王陽(yáng)明”這樣一個(gè)陳述句式,煞有介事卻平淡乏味,打斷了他無(wú)比激切的敘事欲望。
于是,一沉淀便是十年。
十年可以改變什么?至少是一篇文章的開(kāi)頭:“那張雨中的臉,到了我生命的臨終一刻還會(huì)再想起……”(出自《巖中花樹(shù)——十六至十八世紀(jì)的江南文人》)
對(duì)照十年前第三人稱(chēng)的冷硬,自述的口吻像一盆潮濕、清冽、親切的冷水,潑進(jìn)一個(gè)混沌的古代花園,而讀者的神經(jīng)卻像那枯竭的花木遭逢了甘露,眼前的世界陡然生動(dòng)起來(lái)。
向史景遷致敬的背后
在《巖中花樹(shù)》的附錄,趙柏田說(shuō),他要感謝兩位西方作家:尤瑟納爾和史景遷。作為助產(chǎn)士,他們改變了這個(gè)遲到了十年的文藝嬰兒誕生的相貌。
《巖中花樹(shù)》無(wú)法不讓我想起史景遷這個(gè)可愛(ài)的美國(guó)老頭。王陽(yáng)明的自畫(huà)像與《中國(guó)皇帝——康熙自畫(huà)像》有著近親的血緣。那種第一人稱(chēng)的娓娓道來(lái),那種在記憶之河溫暖地沉湎,那種對(duì)內(nèi)心生活和日常細(xì)節(jié)的把握與重建,那種在歷史與文學(xué)之間的游刃有余……十年的擱淺,與史景遷的邂逅,再次向我們證明,文藝形式對(duì)于一個(gè)優(yōu)秀的作家而言是何等重要。一言以蔽之,寫(xiě)作的關(guān)鍵不僅在于“寫(xiě)什么”,更在于“怎么寫(xiě)”,以及“為什么是這樣寫(xiě),而非那樣寫(xiě)”。一個(gè)一流的小說(shuō)家往往比同等次的詩(shī)人更需要關(guān)注形式,我一直堅(jiān)信這個(gè)道理。
什么?你居然將《巖中花樹(shù)》和《中國(guó)皇帝——康熙自畫(huà)像》當(dāng)成小說(shuō)來(lái)讀?你難道忘記了錢(qián)鐘書(shū)訪(fǎng)問(wèn)耶魯大學(xué)之時(shí)對(duì)史景遷的評(píng)語(yǔ):“一個(gè)失敗的小說(shuō)家”,而從某種程度上講,史景遷同樣是一個(gè)失敗的歷史學(xué)家?莫非你愿意加入這場(chǎng)爭(zhēng)論:歷史可以以小說(shuō)的形式彰顯它的內(nèi)涵和光澤,歷史與小說(shuō)并非是絕緣的?同時(shí),你應(yīng)該記得,在隨筆作家和文化學(xué)者之外,趙柏田還有其他兩個(gè)身份,詩(shī)人和小說(shuō)家——在小說(shuō)集《站在屋頂上吹風(fēng)》以后,為什么不能視這本《巖中花樹(shù)》為其“小說(shuō)家的野心”的變相延續(xù),或死火重燃?
說(shuō)到底,回到老問(wèn)題:歷史是什么?或者像德國(guó)歷史學(xué)家馬克·布洛赫的幼子那樣提問(wèn):“爸爸,歷史有什么用呢?”
史景遷的歷史寫(xiě)作一直飽受非議。除了代康熙繪制自畫(huà)像,他還寫(xiě)過(guò)皇帝雍正與秀才曾靜的詭異爭(zhēng)斗,一個(gè)叫王氏的女人的死亡之書(shū),西方人胡若望,利瑪竇的東游記。這些極度追求敘事藝術(shù)的作品,幾乎每一本都成為風(fēng)行一時(shí)的暢銷(xiāo)書(shū)。毋庸置疑,在他筆下,歷史之神不再是一本正經(jīng)的書(shū)齋形象,而是奔涌流動(dòng)的風(fēng)景,是可愛(ài)的白胡子老頭和小紅帽,甚至是艷光四射的時(shí)髦女郎。歷史走下了高峻的臺(tái)階,沾染一身油煙氣,入得廚房,進(jìn)得廳堂。
但史景遷在世俗意義上的成功使他無(wú)奈地面臨著雙重的責(zé)難。小說(shuō)家自然不愿認(rèn)這位赫赫有名的耶魯大學(xué)歷史學(xué)教授、美國(guó)歷史學(xué)會(huì)主席為同行,而歷史學(xué)者則嫌他不夠嚴(yán)肅,對(duì)待過(guò)往的事物,想象勝過(guò)了考據(jù),詩(shī)化取代了論證。譬如海外歷史學(xué)家汪榮祖先生就嚴(yán)正批評(píng)史景遷,并且指出:“無(wú)論寫(xiě)歷史或是寫(xiě)小說(shuō),都講究敘事,兩者之間的界線(xiàn)由于‘后學(xué)的沖擊,似乎日漸模糊,但錢(qián)鐘書(shū)所謂‘史必證實(shí),詩(shī)可鑿空,可以視為歷史與小說(shuō)之間不可逾越的基線(xiàn)。寫(xiě)歷史小說(shuō)者也未嘗不博覽史料,認(rèn)真對(duì)待歷史,遙體人情世故,揣之摩之,才能寫(xiě)得非常逼真,若書(shū)寫(xiě)歐洲中古傳奇著名的司谷脫,也深具歷史感。但像《三國(guó)演義》一樣,畢竟是小說(shuō)家說(shuō)故事,雖然真人,未必實(shí)事。至于歷史書(shū)寫(xiě),除了敘事外,尚須提議題、作分析,以便重建往事,發(fā)現(xiàn)其意義;如果史家不提議題,根本談不上歷史知識(shí),不作分析,則看不見(jiàn)表象內(nèi)深層的社會(huì)經(jīng)濟(jì)因素?!保ㄍ魳s祖:《史景遷論》)
我們還可以引用浩如煙海的資料來(lái)描繪歷史與小說(shuō)之爭(zhēng)。可在這里,我卻要盡快回歸正題。不妨說(shuō),《巖中花樹(shù)》正是向史景遷致敬之作,正如在《歷史碎影》中一書(shū),趙柏田曾經(jīng)以同樣的方式向米歇爾·福柯、蘇珊·桑塔格等予他以教益的作家致以真摯的敬意。但在致敬背后,致敬者是否有所超越?困繞史景遷的難題是否如石頭一樣接續(xù)到趙柏田的西西弗之肩?他該如何選擇:歷史,小說(shuō),還是兩者之間的新生物?新生的奇跡就像危機(jī),我們無(wú)處逃避,因?yàn)橄轮艿娜粘躺形磁艥M(mǎn)。
何以為“信史”
其實(shí)不單是史景遷,歷史學(xué)家高陽(yáng)先生亦遭遇類(lèi)似的矛盾:在史學(xué)界與文學(xué)界之間無(wú)地彷徨,認(rèn)可之音寥寥?!罢l(shuí)何歧路亡羊泣?幾輩沐猴冠帶新?!笨伤孕≌f(shuō)筆法寫(xiě)成的《慈禧全傳》,屢被人稱(chēng)譽(yù)“無(wú)一字不無(wú)來(lái)歷”,若對(duì)照近代史教科書(shū),完全可以當(dāng)作信史來(lái)拜讀。如此則出現(xiàn)了一個(gè)悖論:野狐禪的小說(shuō)比表情嚴(yán)肅的正史還可信?
這就涉及到一個(gè)本質(zhì)性的問(wèn)題:信史之“信”,是如何建構(gòu)的?
我可能使用了一個(gè)錯(cuò)誤的詞語(yǔ),信史是被人類(lèi)“建構(gòu)”出來(lái)的。人類(lèi)的力量大于歷史本原的力量,推論與想象的技藝能夠扭轉(zhuǎn)貌似無(wú)可逆轉(zhuǎn)的事實(shí)。有人說(shuō)自秦以后,乃有信史,秦以前統(tǒng)稱(chēng)為“史話(huà)時(shí)代”。以《史記》記事載筆而論,愈加證實(shí)了歷史的建構(gòu)性。然而,既然存在“建構(gòu)”,那么信史何以為“信”?是比誰(shuí)的拳頭硬,成者王侯敗者寇;還是正義之劍永不老,歷史自有其精神支撐:在齊太史簡(jiǎn),在晉董狐筆?按照知識(shí)分子的說(shuō)法,答案為后者,而按照個(gè)體的閱讀體驗(yàn),則為前者。
如果是這樣,那么真如胡適所論,歷史就是一個(gè)任人打扮涂抹的小姑娘。那還有什么“信”可言?
我理解的“信”,第一,是歷史必須以真實(shí)為發(fā)掘的終極目的,求真不僅是目標(biāo),且是一種思考和工作的方式,是一種賴(lài)以安身立命的獨(dú)立精神。固然不可能還原百分之一百的真,亦要盡我們最大所能,還原百分之九十九。第二,則是對(duì)歷史細(xì)節(jié)的關(guān)注與把握。讀史越多,涉史越深,我越發(fā)產(chǎn)生一種對(duì)歷史理論的厭惡感,恨不得將早年被灌輸?shù)哪切┙虠l主義統(tǒng)統(tǒng)嘔吐出來(lái)。理論有引導(dǎo)性,這不錯(cuò),但任何一種理論都無(wú)法統(tǒng)轄全景。秉承某一種理論書(shū)寫(xiě)歷史,合意則留,不合則舍,那將有多少活生生的細(xì)節(jié)被無(wú)辜拋棄,而那些遺留下來(lái)的細(xì)節(jié)在蒼白的理論光芒照耀之下,又是多么柔弱無(wú)力。不妨套用里爾克的名言:“有何信史可言,細(xì)節(jié)意味著一切!”
認(rèn)同這兩點(diǎn),我們便獲得了進(jìn)入史景遷和趙柏田所經(jīng)營(yíng)的歷史世界的通行證。在那個(gè)世界,他們將求真與細(xì)節(jié)之美結(jié)合起來(lái),干巴巴的歷史教條因細(xì)節(jié)的豐富多姿而趨向真實(shí)。如趙柏田寫(xiě)王陽(yáng)明、張蒼水、黃宗羲、全祖望、章學(xué)誠(chéng)、汪輝祖,寫(xiě)他們的日常生活,王陽(yáng)明的情感歷程,張蒼水對(duì)死亡儀式的渴望,黃宗羲為書(shū)籍的一生,全祖望在北京與揚(yáng)州這兩座城池之間的精神徘徊,章學(xué)誠(chéng)的漫游和失敗,汪輝祖的師爺生涯,走縣過(guò)府白了頭,現(xiàn)實(shí)主義的功名,多像一條狗,你追它也跑……每一個(gè)貧瘠的背影,經(jīng)過(guò)他的筆,都變得飽滿(mǎn)。我們還隱約瞥見(jiàn)其后大時(shí)代的點(diǎn)點(diǎn)墨痕,被侮辱與被損害的蕓蕓眾生在一張揉皺了的宣紙邊緣苦命掙扎。
趙柏田是如何解決史景遷式的難題的呢?一面“希望讓人物和事件更多地呈現(xiàn)出它們?cè)緫?yīng)該是的樣子”,一面則希望讀者對(duì)這本書(shū)入迷,在二者之間,他找到了惠特曼的話(huà)作為捷徑:“只要適當(dāng)說(shuō)出事實(shí),一切羅曼史立即黯然失色。”此書(shū)正可以視為對(duì)“適當(dāng)”、對(duì)所謂的“度”的探詢(xún)。我們不能說(shuō)趙柏田比史景遷做得更好,但《巖中花樹(shù)》有兩點(diǎn)鮮明的特質(zhì)必須指出:一是我經(jīng)常強(qiáng)調(diào)的“歷史感”,為史景遷之類(lèi)的漢學(xué)家所嚴(yán)重缺失,他們吟唱的中國(guó)文化的挽歌,使用的“乃是彌爾頓《失樂(lè)園》的韻腳”(王家新:《致一位尊敬的漢學(xué)家》);而趙柏田雖然慣用西方的現(xiàn)代性手術(shù)刀解剖東方的歷史景物,但他的精神底色還是中國(guó)的,是《詩(shī)經(jīng)》《離騷》,而非《伊利亞特》《奧德賽》;是《傳習(xí)錄》《病榻夢(mèng)痕錄》,而非《思想錄》《一個(gè)孤獨(dú)漫步者的遐思》。
而江南氣質(zhì)充斥著這個(gè)“起自對(duì)歷史與敘事的雙重?zé)崆椋鹱詯?ài)與孤獨(dú),起自對(duì)一種風(fēng)格的迷戀”的文本。不僅因?yàn)樗鶗?shū)寫(xiě)的王陽(yáng)明、張蒼水、黃宗羲等皆屬于浙東文脈,而且因?yàn)檫@些人艱苦卓絕的努力積淀為雄厚的地方性知識(shí)、鮮活的傳統(tǒng),沉潛于現(xiàn)代人的呼吸視聽(tīng),古人的魂靈攀附于天一街兩側(cè)灰暗墻門(mén)的老房子,呼童街上的石榴樹(shù),南塘河里蕩漾的水波,并沒(méi)有離我們遠(yuǎn)行。趙柏田置身江南的傳統(tǒng)之中書(shū)寫(xiě)江南的傳統(tǒng),三百年恍如昨日,黃宗羲好像就是剛才在中山西路擦肩而過(guò)的神情疲憊的蒼顏老者。江南構(gòu)成了寫(xiě)作的語(yǔ)境與立論的起點(diǎn)。我更相信它是一種氣質(zhì),散發(fā)在這本書(shū)的每一個(gè)暗角。
我要引述羅蘭·巴特的一個(gè)命題來(lái)結(jié)束這篇評(píng)論,他說(shuō),文學(xué)之于歷史,是對(duì)抗,而非逃離。邁克爾·伍德補(bǔ)充說(shuō):“我不太明白逃離的意思,有什么非歷史性的地方可以避難呢?”同時(shí),他不認(rèn)為“對(duì)抗”一詞能夠擺平文學(xué)與歷史的復(fù)雜糾葛:“文學(xué)與歷史(的書(shū)寫(xiě))距離太近了,以至無(wú)法抗拒它,而且很多時(shí)候文學(xué)就是歷史,只是披上了比喻的外衣?!彼€說(shuō):文學(xué)與歷史之間“永遠(yuǎn)不乏對(duì)話(huà)和娛樂(lè)”,文學(xué)“以更加激進(jìn)的形式去引發(fā)歷史去作再度思考”(見(jiàn)邁克爾·伍德:《沉默之子:論當(dāng)代小說(shuō)》)。我想,《巖中花樹(shù)》的作者和忠誠(chéng)讀者多半會(huì)喜歡伍德的這段辯駁,哪怕有些極端。
Writer Pens History in New Way
By Yu Ge
Zhao Baitian tried in 1995 to write in a book about Wang Yangming (1472-1529) and the realities of the middle phase of the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644). The book project didnt fare well, however. He was displeased by the first paragraphs he wrote and rewrote. The third-person narrative appeared lifeless and remote. He ran into the writers block and didnt know exactly how to break through. He shelved the project. It was not until ten years later that he knew exactly how to resume the writing. This time, he created a first-person perspective as if he were the great scholar who was seeing what happened in his life in the Ming Dynasty. The new approach was inspirational. Zhao wrote the book smoothly. Published in 2007, the 357-page? gives accounts of several prominent scholars who lived in the Ming and the Qing (1644-1911).
Zhao says he owed the breakthrough to Marguerite Yourcenar (1903-1987), a French novelist and essayist, and Jonathan Spence (born in 1936), a British-American historian and public intellectual specializing in Chinese history. The two western writers books transformed his way of writing. Zhao isnt a historian. He does not think his works need to be exactly authentic about history. Jonathan Spences books about Chinese history and historical figures opened Zhaos eyes and inspired him to write about the prominent scholars. In particular, the reader can see how , published by Jonathan Spence in 1974, influenced Zhaos writing about Wang Yangming. Zhao got to understand what is important in writing a book isnt about what to write but about how to write it and why one picks that particular perspective. “I firmly believe that a first-class novelist concerns himself more about form in comparison with a first-class poet,” comments Zhao.
Zhao adopts such a perspective for his own reasons. He knew some historians and scholars disapproved of Jonathan Spences approach. Qian Zhongshu (1910-1998) commented while visiting Yale University in the spring of 1979 that Jonathan Spence was a failed novelist. Zhao knew about Qians comment and wondered whether Qian was implying that Spence was a failure as a historian. According to Qian, books on history must be based on facts while poems about history and historical figures can be fictionalized. Some scholars in China consider Qians comment as a line that historians must not cross.
Zhaos approach was similar to Spences approach. And many people believe the approach is justifiable. Such an approach does not mean it disregards facts. It restores facts and fills the gap where facts are not available. There are many approaches to the presentation of historical facts, events, and figures. And many writers believe writing about history doesnt mean stating only facts and they believe history can be fictionalized to highlight the hidden significance and inner glory of history.
Spence is a very good example. Many of his history fictions were bestsellers such as , , , , in addition to . These historical fictions turn history into something enjoyable. However, this approach to history and fiction put Spence into a dilemma. Novelists dont tend to recognize the Sterling Professor of History at Yale University from 1993 to 2008 and president of the American Historical Association for the 2004-2005 term as a novelist. On the other hand, historians think of him as a scholar who isnt serious about history and whose imagination plays a bigger role than evidences and research.
Zhao does not blindly follow Spences footsteps, however. He follows a principle that restores people and facts and events as much as possible in his narratives and enables the reader to continue to read. Well written historical novels attract some readers who might not take interest in reading about history seriously otherwise.
Zhaos approach to history is characterized by Chinese classics. Unlike Spence whose books are based on his appreciation of western classics, Zhao provides Chinese understanding of history. The text reveals a passion for history and textual narrative and explains what self-love and solitude is.
Zhaos account of the past scholars is also characterized by Jiangnan, a region in the south of the Yangtze River Delta. The scholars are depicted well, reminding the reader of Jiangnan which gives birth to, embraces, enriches and immortalizes such great minds.