斯科普里的專有性和包容性空間實踐

奧格內(nèi)·馬里納，亞歷山德羅·阿曼多/Ognen Marina，Alessandro Armando

斯科普里的專有性和包容性空間實踐

奧格內(nèi)·馬里納，亞歷山德羅·阿曼多/Ognen Marina，Alessandro Armando

記憶與再生

欄目主持：米凱利·博尼諾，皮埃爾-阿蘭·克羅塞特

本期欄目探討了以馬其頓共和國首都斯科普里為背景的專有性（城市空間的分層利用）和包容性（公共空間的占用策略）之間的關(guān)系。在中國，“包容”是一個關(guān)于新城市化進(jìn)程中社區(qū)建設(shè)的重要的關(guān)鍵詞，而斯科普里城市肌理的層級化為探討在城市更新過程中的此種現(xiàn)象呈現(xiàn)了新的方式。奧格內(nèi)·馬里納和亞歷山德羅·阿曼多在過去3年間一直致力于“包容性城市”的國際課題的研究。

This issue of the column deals with the relation between exclusivity（hierarchical use of the urban space） and inclusivity（tactics of appropriation of the public space） in the capital of the Republic of Macedonia - Skopje.While in China “inclusivity” is a key-word mainly concerning the settle-down of communities in new urbanizations，the stratifcation of the urban fabric in Skopje shows new ways of discussing such phenomenon within a process of urban regeneration.Ognen Marina and Alessandro Armando devoted to “inclusive cities” - an international research in the last three years.

這個名為“斯科普里2014”的項目旨在重塑斯科普里的城市中心，其政治敘事已經(jīng)轉(zhuǎn)變了城市公共領(lǐng)域的身份認(rèn)同和意向，以精英主義的方式實踐了在空間和其他方面的公共空間專有性質(zhì)。這個城市項目的空間與形式實踐激發(fā)出了許多反對它的空間實踐出現(xiàn)。

許多結(jié)構(gòu)扁平化與非永久性管理的組織已經(jīng)展開了反對公共空間專有和反對減少包容性政治政策的行動，他們在理論和時間上都反對當(dāng)?shù)卣畬Ｓ行哉咧芯哂袕?qiáng)烈上下等級制的垂直從屬結(jié)構(gòu)。這些行動，作為新的社會包容性和可見性實踐的新城市策略，就是我們研究的重點。這一系列的市民活動、藝術(shù)介入和新形式的包容性已經(jīng)獲得認(rèn)可和得以探索，讓我們獲得補(bǔ)充性空間知識。借助這些知識我們能讓城市變得更加美好，更有包容性。

1　專有空間性的固定表現(xiàn)手法

隨著1990年代政治、社會體制的變革，以及隨著依照商業(yè)化和私有化原則調(diào)控的財產(chǎn)轉(zhuǎn)讓和財產(chǎn)重審，城市和社會景觀變得更不協(xié)調(diào)。這種奇怪的情形，會導(dǎo)致城市形象被“再創(chuàng)造”，城市空間被理所當(dāng)然地消耗。在斯科普里市第一次城市規(guī)劃近一個世紀(jì)后，政府提供資金啟動了名為“斯科普里2014”的城市計劃。其主要目標(biāo)是，通過在市中心建造公共機(jī)構(gòu)建筑來將城市和民族的身份“重新構(gòu)建”為城市領(lǐng)土和記憶的歷史遺產(chǎn)，以及通過引入新的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)來使市中心的公共空間正常化［1］。“斯科普里2014”城市計劃項目最終使該城市的整體結(jié)構(gòu)降格為噩夢般的、平庸的政治形象，背后隱藏著含糊不清的元歷學(xué)（meta-historical）表現(xiàn)手法。

日常實踐證明，“斯科普里2014”的想象性表現(xiàn)手法是對現(xiàn)實過度簡化的竭力表現(xiàn)，同時空間實踐總是揭示出這些對比。該城市的歷史層面與過去的記憶之間的差異已經(jīng)崩潰為其存在和出現(xiàn)的民族輝煌專有性［2］。在該城市項目的實踐中，我們可以看見出現(xiàn)了政治上含糊的過程，并分化為兩個維度，一個是正式的公眾審美化，一個是將公共和私人空間轉(zhuǎn)化為“被凈化”混合體的專制。前者因為意圖消除城市空間的差異和引入主流政治、社會甚至國家范例，采用了博物館化和調(diào)解的過程，將城市身份的表現(xiàn)手法帶到平庸的再表現(xiàn)的水平上。后者使用城市空間“正?；钡姆绞絹斫?，其中與在政治上和社會上被廣泛接受為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)和常態(tài)的公開標(biāo)準(zhǔn)相背離的差異和元素被消除，并不被社會接受。后者宣揚某種在社會上和政治上被接受的行為，從而對公共領(lǐng)域進(jìn)行政治和美學(xué)凈化，并主張將平庸的美學(xué)風(fēng)格作為唯一被接受的民族和城市識別建筑的表現(xiàn)途徑，以此來強(qiáng)化這種凈化。

關(guān)于斯科普里的建筑和公共空間改造，最顯著的例子之一就是斯科普里中央政府建筑的立面改造。其原始建筑建造于1970年，由馬其頓建筑師彼得·穆利凱奧夫斯基設(shè)計。該建筑是具有混凝土元素的現(xiàn)代主義建筑（圖1）。

其特殊的混凝土核心結(jié)構(gòu)支撐著從地面立起的6個體量，這種結(jié)構(gòu)用來在建筑的主要構(gòu)件周圍和下面提供空間；因此，這些公共空間和具有接納性和包容性的形象，是該城市結(jié)構(gòu)中這一建筑的本質(zhì)和空間外觀的體現(xiàn)。在“斯科普里2014”項目中，該建筑的改造不是用平庸的非巴洛克風(fēng)格來替換，而是在建筑周圍增加了阻隔性的圍墻，防止市民使用公共空間，借此傳達(dá)出一個強(qiáng)烈的信號，即這是政治精英的專屬支配空間，是其存在和身份的象征。

1 馬其頓共和國中央政府大樓改造前（左）和改造后（右）/Building of the central government of Republic of Macedonia before the transformation（left） and after（right）

The political narratives of the project for reshaping the Skopje city centre named "Skopje 2014" have transformed the identity and imagery of the public domain in the city，exercising the elitist approach and social and other exclusion from public spaces.The spatial and formal practice of this urban project has provoked emergence of new opposing spatial practices.

The actions against the exclusivity of the public domain and reduction of inclusive political policies have exercised horizontally structured and temporally managed organization that conceptually and practically oppose the vertical and strongly hierarchically subordinated structure of the exclusive policies of the local government.The spatial practices of these actions that emerge as new urban tactics of appropriation of social inclusion and visibility are in the focus of our research.The series of civic activities，governmentally supported projects，artistic interventions and new forms of exclusion and inclusion have been explored as a potentially important addition to spatial knowledge that could help us make our cities better and more inclusive.

1　Fixed narratives of exclusive spatiality

With the change in the political and social system in the 1990s，followed by the transfer and reexamination of property regulated by the principles of commercialization and privatization，the urban and social landscape of the city of Skopje has become even more conficted.This condition，oddly enough，will lead to the "re-invention" of an urban image and un-scruple consumption of public space.Almost one century after the first urban plan for the city of Skopje，a new governmentally financed urban project titled "Skopje 2014" was promoted.Its main purpose has been to "re-construct" the identity of the city and of the nation as a historical legacy to urban territory and memory by constructing institutional buildings in the center of the city and "normalizing" the public space in the center of the city； it has done so by introducing new standards of what has been denounced as desirable public behavior.［1］The "Skopje 2014" urban project ended up reducing the complex structure of the city to a semantic nightmare and a politically banal image with a dubious meta-historical narrative behind it.

Everyday practice proves the "Skopje 2014" imaginary narrative to be an impoverished and oversimplifed representation of reality，while spatial practices invariably reveal those contrasts.The differences between the historic layers of the city and the memory of the past have collapsed into a unique and repetitive imagery of national grandeur exclusive in its existence and emergence.［2］In the practice of this urban project，we can see the emergence of a politically dubious process that disintegrates into two dimensions: the formal aestheticization of the public，and the authoritarian appropriation and transformation of public and private space into "sanitized" hybrids.The former concludes in the process of museumification or mediatization of the space owing to the intention to eradicate the differences of the urban space and introduce a dominant political，social，or even national paradigm，bringing the narrative of the urban identity to the level of banal re-presentation.The latter is established through urban space "normalization" where all the differences and elements that deviate from the publicly declared standards of what is socially and politically accepted as norms and normal are eradicated and are not treated as socially acceptable.This political and aesthetical sanitization of the public domain through promotion of a single socially and politically acceptable form of behavior is enhanced with the propagation of an eclectic architectural style as the only acceptable way of articulating the architecture of the national，and therefore urban，identifcation.

One of the most prominent examples of the transformation of buildings and public spaces in Skopje is the transformation of the facade of the central government building in Skopje.The original building was built in 1970 and designed by Macedonian architect Petar Mulichovski.It was a modernist building with concrete brut elements（Figure 1）.

Its specific structure of concrete cores that supported the ensemble of six objects elevated above the ground was used in order to provide space around and below the building's main elements； hence the public space and the image of the accessible and inclusive institution was inherent to the nature and spatial appearance of this building in the urban structure of the city.The transformation of this building within the "Skopje 2014" project meant not just the substitution of the new facade in eclectic neo-baroque style，but most importantly，the addition of an impenetrable fence around the building that prevents the citizens from using the public space，and emits a strong message of exclusion as a dominant spatial practice of the political elite，who are rattled by their own existence and identity.

This new urban reality shaped by the fixed and conservative spatial and formal practices and actions in Skopje is strongly opposed by the new and innovative spatial practices.The actions that have emerged as a new form of urban tactics of appropriation of social inclusion and visibility are the focus of our research.The series of civic activities，artistic interventions，and new forms of inclusion have been recognized and explored as a potentially important addition to the spatial knowledge that could help us make our cities better and more inclusive.

2　Diffusion of the inclusive horizontality

The conservative and fixed narratives of the governmentally sponsored project，and the resulting policies of state institutions that reflect a closed and exclusive approach to different layers of the society and culture have induced a response in the domain of architecture.This response opposes the eclectic and rigid view on culture and art in the society promoted by the state-funded institutions like museums and art galleries，emanating the corresponding image to the dominant ideology；nevertheless，it is poignant with symbols from the past and national mythologies，usually depicted through meta-historic formal and spatial practices that provide a legitimacy to the present through a（re）constructed and virtual past.In a situationIn 2014，CAC（Contemporary Art Center -Skopje） constructed and promoted a CAC mobile gallery.This mobile gallery of contemporary art is a project funded with the intention to provide an alternative space and place for presentation of art and artistic practices that are not recognized and supported by the formal and national institutions in the field of contemporary arts in Macedonia.The gallery was designed to be mobile and easy to dismantle in order to stay at same place for three to four weeks at the most（a period sufcient for three to four projects）.After that，the gallery changed its micro location.The cost of its construction was 7000 Euros（approx.9700 USD），and the main idea behind this project was to provide a space where institutionally restricted artistic practices and artists could exhibit their works or organize events.The gallery's measurements are 5×9×3.6 meters，and it could be transformed from a closed to an open space—depending on the needs of a specific art project or event； as such it is available "on demand" for all interested artists or cultural/civil society sector operators all across Macedonia.

由固定的、保守的空間和形式實踐塑造新城市的這一現(xiàn)實，遭到創(chuàng)新型空間實踐派的強(qiáng)烈反對。這些行動，作為新的社會包容性和可見性實踐的新城市策略，就是我們研究的重點。這一系列的市民活動、藝術(shù)介入和新形式的包容性已經(jīng)獲得認(rèn)可和得以探索，讓我們獲得補(bǔ)充性空間知識。借助這些知識我們能讓我們的城市變得更加美好，更有包容性。

2　橫向包容性的傳播

政府出資主導(dǎo)的項目采用保守、固定的表現(xiàn)手法，因此制定的國家機(jī)構(gòu)政策反應(yīng)了通往不同社會和文化層次的封閉性專有途徑，這樣在建筑領(lǐng)域引起了回應(yīng)。這種回應(yīng)反對國家撥款機(jī)構(gòu)所宣揚的平庸而又僵硬的文化和藝術(shù)觀點，這些機(jī)構(gòu)有博物館和美術(shù)館，它們用過去和民族神話的符號來通過相應(yīng)的圖像呈現(xiàn)思想上的鮮活記憶，通常通過元-歷史的形式和空間實踐來進(jìn)行描述，通過（再）建造的和虛擬的過去來表現(xiàn)現(xiàn)在的合理性。在這種情況下，問題就是什么能實際反對這類主流但僵硬的實踐。在斯科普里，答案包含在建筑領(lǐng)域及其相關(guān)空間實踐中以及包含在這種反對過程出現(xiàn)的社會、政治結(jié)構(gòu)中。

斯科普里現(xiàn)代藝術(shù)中心（CAC）在2014年建造和推廣了CAC移動藝術(shù)館。出資建立這種移動現(xiàn)代藝術(shù)館的目的，就是在馬其頓現(xiàn)代藝術(shù)領(lǐng)域，為不被正式國家機(jī)構(gòu)所承認(rèn)或支持的藝術(shù)和藝術(shù)實踐的表現(xiàn)提供動態(tài)空間。藝術(shù)館被設(shè)計成移動的、易于拆裝的，以便在一個地方最多停留三四個星期（一段足夠開展三四個項目的時間）。然后，藝術(shù)館稍微改變位置。其建造成本為7000歐元（約為5.2萬人民幣），該項目背后的理念就是為受機(jī)構(gòu)限制的藝術(shù)實踐和藝術(shù)家能展示其作品或組織活動。藝術(shù)館的尺寸為5m×9m×3.6m，可以從密閉空間轉(zhuǎn)換為開放式的空間——這取決于具體藝術(shù)項目或活動的需要，馬其頓所有有興趣的藝術(shù)家或文化/民間社會領(lǐng)域運作者都可申請使用。

CAC移動藝術(shù)館（圖2）是建筑學(xué)回應(yīng)的表現(xiàn)，這種回應(yīng)表示為具有具體規(guī)則和空間存在的物體，其存在不限制在某個地方。移動藝術(shù)館足夠靈活，足夠真實，可以表示對國家資助的主流藝術(shù)和館長式保守實踐的反對，因為這些機(jī)構(gòu)限制更廣泛更多樣的藝術(shù)群體進(jìn)入機(jī)構(gòu)。移動藝術(shù)館同時通過其移動和橫向分布的存在，來擴(kuò)展多樣化藝術(shù)行動的空間，為不同觀點和空間實踐提供公共空間。斯科普里這種空間時間的橫向包容性被證明是非常成功的，而且是富有成效的。

這種移動藝術(shù)館的建筑形式反對國家機(jī)構(gòu)的刻板印象，反對對創(chuàng)造性社會實踐的限制，還有一些社會活動也有類似性質(zhì)。這就是各種民間團(tuán)體的出現(xiàn)，這些民間團(tuán)體通常發(fā)動和參與具體的抗議，表達(dá)對政府政策和實踐的不滿。自從歐洲爆發(fā)金融危機(jī)后，因為中央政府的腐敗行為違背了非法政治精英宣揚的主要政策，引起了指控和懷疑，所以抗議和民眾騷亂已經(jīng)在巴爾干半島爆發(fā)，特別是2015年在馬其頓。這些抗議的出現(xiàn)和性質(zhì)已經(jīng)使某些作者［3］重新考慮用于解釋抗議的社會、政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)背景的類別。但是可以清楚地看到，這些運動的組織結(jié)構(gòu)開始出現(xiàn)扁平化組織的全體會議，并成為有力工具來反對國家機(jī)構(gòu)之類的以等級形式組織的強(qiáng)大對手。采取這種組織形式的學(xué)生和其他全體會議，被證明是用占領(lǐng)、直接民主和橫向民主進(jìn)行試驗性實踐的肥沃土壤。他們所采取行動的空間表達(dá)方式有多種形式，從占領(lǐng)大學(xué)校園，到在整個城市的示威游行等，邀請所有市民加入他們來討論教育、文化、自由言論和其他重要的公共問題，以及在公開包容性論壇上決定每天的抗議行動方向，其中在論壇上，扁平化組織的全體會議的每個成員都有權(quán)利來為他們今后的行動做貢獻(xiàn)。

在城市的政治和空間領(lǐng)域，缺乏更多具體的、有創(chuàng)造力的或者至少具有象征性的空間實踐，已經(jīng)讓全體會議不能實現(xiàn)更有意義的目標(biāo)，實踐只能通過政治組織的方式來最終實現(xiàn)，而這將他們帶回現(xiàn)有的有爭議的權(quán)力分配結(jié)構(gòu)的范圍內(nèi)。

2 CAC移動藝術(shù)館在斯科普里（左）和比托拉（右）/CAC mobile gallery positioned in Skopje（left）and Bitola（right）

3　空間創(chuàng)造性和新型城市實踐

隨著對城市中政治事件和行動的時效性方面的激進(jìn)式和理想化推動，新出現(xiàn)的空間實踐已經(jīng)通過集體創(chuàng)造來獲得傳遞社會和政治相關(guān)性的能力，同時保持效率和透明性。這些空間實踐主要是對主流社會、政治精英的抗議和不滿，以超越專有的權(quán)力分配體制結(jié)構(gòu)的形式來進(jìn)行反對，從每天的包容性獲得力量，通過遍布社會各階層的抗議行動來加強(qiáng)。

like this the question is what could actually oppose such a dominant and yet rigid practice.In Skopje，the answer was two-fold both in the domain of architecture and its associated spatial practices，and in the social and political structures that have emerged within this opposition.

The CAC mobile gallery（Figure 2） is an architectural response realized in an object with a specifc regime and spatial presence whose existence is not restricted to a single place.It is flexible and yet tangible enough to represent the opposition to the dominant artistic and curatorial conservative praxis of the state-funded institutions that restrict the access of the broader and more diverse artistic community to the institutions； at the same time it enables an extension of the space for diverse artistic action and provides public space for different views and spatial practices through its mobile and horizontally distributed existence.The inclusive horizontality of this spatial practice in Skopje has proved to be very successful and productive.

As a sort of social counterpart to the architecturally shaped response to state institutions' rigidity，and the restrictions imposed on creative social practices structured into the mobile art gallery is the emergence of a variety of civic groups.These are usually initiated and related to a specific protest and civic discontent with government policies and practices.Since the outbreak of the financial crisis in Europe，protests and civic unrest have been erupting in the Balkans to challenge all major policies promoted by the de-legitimized political elite； in 2015，in Macedonia specifcally，these have occurred owing to the allegations and suspicion of corrupt actions by the central government.The emergence and nature of these protests have challenged some authors［3］to rethink the categories used to explain the social，political，and economic context of the protests.It is also compelling to reconsider the nature of state institutions，their weaknesses and failures，and the regimes that are in power in a post-socialist period marked by a neverending transition.These power structures have proved to be very fragile and non-resistant to the weight imposed upon them due to their inherent contradictions，and hence institutional instability and social vulnerability.The fact that these actions are against an elusive opponent--regimes that are much harder to define since there is no singlefaceted manifestation of the same，and more often they are not characterized by open repression--makes these occasional expressions of protest very volatile，followed by confusion and contradictory political messages.However，it is precisely the organizational structure of these movements emerging as horizontally organized plenums that turns them into a powerful tool for opposing strong and hierarchically organized opponents such as state institutions.The examples of students' and other plenums that exercise such an organization have proved to be a fertile ground for experimental practices with occupations，and direct and horizontal democracy.The spatial manifestations of their actions，ranging from occupation of the University campuses to protest walks throughout the city，have been diversified by the invitation to all citizens to join them in a debate about education，culture，freedom of speech，and other issues of public importance； the public is also invited to decide about the course of the protest day by day in an open and inclusive forum where each member of the horizontally organized plenum has the right to contribute to future actions.

The lack of more specific and creative or at least symbolic spatial practice in the political and spatial domain of cities has prevented the plenums from achieving more significant goals where the ultimate realization of these practices could be seen only through a means of political organization that puts them back within the existing and disputed structure of power distribution.

3　Spatial creativity and new urban practices

By radicalizing and idealizing the transitory aspects of the political event and action in cities，the emerging and new spatial practices have gained the capacity to deliver social and political relevance through collective creation，and yet remain efcient and transparent.These spatial practices are mainly acts of protest or discontent with the dominant social and political elite，and oppose them through forms that are beyond the structure of the exclusive systems of power distribution.They gain their strength from the inclusivity of the everyday，reinforced by the repetitiveness and omnipresence of acts of protest in almost all layers of society.

The key for understanding these new urban spatial practices can be found in the description of the unitary urbanism that would become the guidelines for the Situationist movement and that dates back to 1958.Condemning the banality of the dominant utilitarianism in urbanism，it devises a new role for the urban scene where "The appearance of the notion of relativity in the modern mind allows one to surmise the experimental aspect of the next civilization.… On the basis of the mobile civilization，architecture will，at least initially，be a means of experimenting with a thousand ways of modifying life，with a view to a mythic synthesis."［4］In this respect，the spatial and social practiceof cities of the future will be created through continuous experiments in new modes of behavior.The technique of choice will be the traversing of urban environments through derive，or aimless drifting.The detailed instructions for carrying out derive correctly are as follows: it should take a fxed amount of time（preferably 12 or 24 hours） and involve a group of people whose path is determined by a combination of systematicity and randomness，conscious choice，and chance.The aim is to move through the city without pre-determined plan，thus provoking unexpected occurrences and encounters.

要理解這些新的城市空間實踐，可從1958年有關(guān)單一都市化的描述中找到關(guān)鍵要領(lǐng)，而這些關(guān)鍵要領(lǐng)將成為情境畫家運動的指導(dǎo)方針。它譴責(zé)都市化中的主流功利主義，為都市場景描述新的作用，“現(xiàn)代思維中相關(guān)性概念的出現(xiàn)讓我們想象下一個文明的試驗性方面……在易變文明的基礎(chǔ)上，建筑將至少是用虛擬混合的觀念以上千種方式改變生活的初始試驗性手段?！保?］在這方面，城市的空間和社會實踐將通過持續(xù)的新行為方式來創(chuàng)造。選擇的技巧將是通過衍生或無目的的漂移來貫穿城市環(huán)境。展開衍生行動的具體指導(dǎo)說明如下：將占用固定量的時間（最好12～24個小時），組織一群人參與，這些人的路徑由系統(tǒng)的、隨機(jī)的、自覺的選擇和機(jī)會來共同決定。其目標(biāo)是在沒有事先預(yù)定計劃的情況下貫穿城市，由此激發(fā)意外的事件和沖突。

這種空間實踐拒絕消費社會的功利性邏輯，相反針對動態(tài)城市的實現(xiàn)，希望在城市中讓自由和游戲發(fā)揮中心作用。通過集體運作的形式，他們尋求實現(xiàn)對日常生活的解釋，主張開展對事件正常狀態(tài)形成顛覆的實踐。

2015年在斯科普里爆發(fā)的市民騷亂，最開始被描述為與政府機(jī)構(gòu)和警察的正面暴力對抗，后來獲得時間和空間上創(chuàng)造性對抗的一些技巧。一年后，斯科普里最初的抗議，以及民間公開表達(dá)對政府的不同程度的不滿和抗議，已經(jīng)采用了移動示威的形式。所謂的“顏色革命”（圖3）從沒有具體路線的抗議開始，但是每天都在組織，出現(xiàn)在現(xiàn)場，并使用社會媒體進(jìn)行某類直接決策?？棺h者的城市漂移通常從一個機(jī)構(gòu)建筑到一些其他機(jī)構(gòu)建筑，朝具體的機(jī)構(gòu)建筑和“斯科普里2014”項目符號扔涂繪的“炸彈”。其移動性使抗議者避免與有精良裝備的、接受過暴力沖突訓(xùn)練的警察直接沖突。

抗議者重復(fù)著空間實踐，參與者具有永不妥協(xié)的決心，例行游行類似宗教游行，不同群體間通過互動（沖突）和斗爭獲得空間和社會相關(guān)性的故事在上演［5］，這樣便為碰撞群體以及將來城市的塑造創(chuàng)造了空間?？棺h者在空間和時間上具有靈活性，沒有預(yù)定的路線，輔以對建筑和“斯科普里2014”項目標(biāo)志的涂色，因而使他們脫離背景，嘲笑用于該項目的“元-表現(xiàn)”手法。這通過動態(tài)的、創(chuàng)造性的、臨時性空間行動，穿越了現(xiàn)有腐朽精英階層的主流空間實踐和形式表現(xiàn)方式。斯科普里2014項目的歷史表現(xiàn)手法膚淺又虛偽，將市中心的機(jī)構(gòu)建筑的公共空間和外觀平庸化。這種表現(xiàn)手法遭到各種顏色的干擾，這些顏色象征的是多元文化社會中各種符號、外觀和社會實踐的多元性。這是對《游戲人》所傳達(dá)能力的致敬，通過游戲的方式混合多種符號，以此賦予日常生活以新的意義，某些時候給平庸的現(xiàn)實帶來新的含義。通過這種能力，我們可以開啟社會和政治實踐多樣性的現(xiàn)實，在城市空間實施有創(chuàng)意的、有創(chuàng)造性的實踐。

3 新都市漂流者的“顏色革命”轉(zhuǎn)變建筑的元敘事和“斯科普里2014”項目的紀(jì)念物/"Colorful"revolution of new urban drifters shifting the metanarratives of buildings and monuments of "Skopje 2014" project

現(xiàn)代城市衍生應(yīng)在為城市和社會表達(dá)不同政治前景的同時，能抵抗來自機(jī)構(gòu)的任何抑制力量。這不能降格為單純的政治、社會或空間行為，這些行為通常是各種特征的結(jié)合，在斯科普里市產(chǎn)生獨特的、但仍具有集體性和創(chuàng)造性的空間，同時伴隨不同的社會和空間實踐，因此在不損害所有城市公民的權(quán)益的情況下，使公共空間和城市得以不受限制的政治化?！酰ò鏅?quán)聲明：《斯科普里的專有性和包容性空間實踐》是一篇論文的大摘要，該論文將于2016年11月在黎巴嫩盧艾澤圣母大學(xué)組織的“街道的形成與再形成：21世紀(jì)城市街道的轉(zhuǎn)變”主題的“城市街道二會議”上發(fā)表和演講。）

This spatial practice rejected the utilitarian logic of the consumer society，aiming instead for the realization of a dynamic city，a city in which freedom and play would have a central role.Operating collectively，they sought to achieve creative interpretations of the everyday and to promote practices that would subvert the normal state of affairs.

The outburst of citizens' unrest that occurred in May 2015 in Skopje，while first depicted as violent and in frontal confrontation with the government institutions and police，later acquired some of these techniques of creative resistance in space and time.One year after the frst protests in Skopje，and having had civic discontent expressed publicly with various intensity，the civic protests against the government have eventually gained the form of drifting demonstrations.The so-called "colorful revolution"（Figure 3） started as a protest with no specifc route，but organized every day，on the spot，and with some sort of direct decisionmaking using social media.The urban drifting of the protestors usually is from one institutional building to several others，throwing paint "bombs" at specifc institutional buildings and symbols of the Skopje 2014 project.Its mobility enables protestors to escape direct confrontation with the police，who are much better equipped and trained for violent confrontation.

The repetitive spatial occurrence of the protest together with the uncompromised determination of the participants and the ritual walking are similar to a religious procession that narrates the story of interactions（and confrontations） and struggles among different groups to acquire a newly gained spatial and social relevance［5］； doing so creates a space for encounters and shaping the city's future.In not having a pre-determined route，the spatial and temporal fexibility of the protest is amended by the coloring of buildings and symbols of the Skopje 2014 project，thus de-contextualizing them and ridiculing the meta-narrative used for this project.It is transgressing the existing and dominant spatial practices，and the formal emanations of the corrupted elite through a dynamic and creative spatial-temporal action.The superficial and fake historic narrative of the Skopje 2014 project with its conservative，unitary，and fixed narratives that are making the public space and appearance of the institutional buildings in the center of the city banal，are disturbed with a variety of colors symbolizing the plurality of symbols，appearances，and social practices in a multicultural society.It is a sort of homage to the capacity of homo ludens to initiate new interactions and to give new meanings and semantics to the everyday and sometimes banal reality through playful hybridization of a variety of symbols.Such engagement is a capacity that promotes creative and innovative practices in the urban space by opening its reality to the diversity of social and political practices.

The contemporary urban derive has proved to be resistant to any institutional repression while providing a suitable and inclusive enough frame for expression of different political visions of the city and the society.It cannot be reduced to just political，social，or spatial action alone but often has a combination of all these features in various combinations that produce the unique，but still collective and innovative space in the city of Skopje alongside different social and spatial practices.Hence，it enables unrestricted politicization of the public space and the city without jeopardizing the rights of all citizens to the city.□（Acknowledgments: Text "Spatial Practices of exclusion and inclusion in Skopje" has been written as an extended abstract of the paper produced and presented at the City Street 2 Conference（CS2）"Street-Forming-Re-forming: Transforming the 21st Century City Streets" to be held in Beirut，Lebanon organized by Notre Dame University Louaize，Lebanon in November，2016.）

/References

［1］Marina，O.，Skopje，Great，Greater，Grandeur - City between Solidarity and Exclusivity.MONU，Greater Urbanism，Nr.19，Rotterdam，Netherlands，2013: 76-81.

［2］Janev，G.，Narrating the Nation，Narrating the City.Cultural Analysis，2011（10）: 3-21.

［3］Stiks，I.，Horvat，S..The New Balkan Revolts: From Protests to Plenums，and Beyond.In: Horvat，S.，Stiks，I.，eds.Welcome to the Desert of Post-Socialism: Radical Politics after Yugoslavia.London，2014: Verso.

［4］Heynen，H.，New Babylon: The Antinomies of Utopia.Assemblage，1996，No.29: 24-39.

［5］Nejad，R.M.，The Muharram Procession of Mumbai -From Seafront to Cemetery.In: Van der Veer，P.，ed.Handbook of Religion and the Asian City: Aspiration and Urbanization in the Twenty-First Century.University of California Press，2015: 89-109.

Spatial Practices of Exclusion and Inclusion in Skopje

Memory and Regeneration
Column Editors: Michele Bonino，Pierre-Alain Croset

奧格內(nèi)·馬里納，馬其頓斯科普里圣基里爾與麥托迪大學(xué)建筑系/Ognen Marina，F(xiàn)aculty of Architecture，University SS.Cyril and Methodius in Skopje，Macedonia

亞歷山德羅·阿曼多，意大利都靈理工大學(xué)建筑與設(shè)計系/ Alessandro Armando，Department of Architecture and Design，Politecnico di Torino，Italy

2016-06-19