How the English Language Conquered the World英語如何征服了世界

蔡美兒/文　王一宇/譯

“Every time the question of language surfaces，” the Italian Marxist philosopher Antonio Gramsci wrote， “in one way or another a series of other problems are coming to the fore，” like “the enlargement of the governing class，” the “relationships between the governing groups and the national-popular mass” and the fight over “cultural hegemony.” Vindicating Gramsci， Rosemary Salomones The Rise of English explores the language wars being fought all over the world， revealing the political， economic and cultural stakes behind these wars， and showing that so far English is winning.

意大利馬克思主義理論家安東尼奧·葛蘭西寫道，“每當(dāng)語言問題浮出水面，一系列其他問題就會以某種方式凸顯出來”，比如“統(tǒng)治階級的擴(kuò)大”“統(tǒng)治團(tuán)體與國民大眾之間的關(guān)系”以及對“文化霸權(quán)”的爭奪。羅絲瑪麗·薩洛莫內(nèi)所著《英語的崛起》一書支持葛蘭西的觀點(diǎn)，該書探討世界各地正在進(jìn)行的語言戰(zhàn)爭，揭示了這些戰(zhàn)爭背后政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)和文化上的利害關(guān)系，并表明到目前為止，英語正在取得勝利。

English is the worlds most widely spoken language， with some 1.5 billion speakers even though its native for fewer than 400 million. English accounts for 60 percent of world internet content and is the lingua franca of pop culture and the global economy. All 100 of the worlds most influential science journals publish in English. “Across Europe， close to 100 percent of students study English at some point in their education.”

英語是世界上使用最廣泛的語言，盡管母語人口不到4億，但共約有15億人說英語。英語占世界互聯(lián)網(wǎng)內(nèi)容的60%，也是流行文化和全球經(jīng)濟(jì)的通用語言。世界上最具影響力的100部科學(xué)期刊都以英文出版。“在整個歐洲，近100%的學(xué)生在某個教育階段學(xué)習(xí)英語?！?/p>

Even in France， where countering the hegemony of English is an official obsession， English is winning. French bureaucrats constantly try to ban Anglicisms “such as gamer， dark web and fake news1，” Salomone writes， but their edicts are “quietly ignored.” Although a French statute called the Toubon Law2 “requires radio stations to play 35 percent French songs，” “the remaining 65 percent is flooded with American music.” Many young French artists sing in English. By law， French schoolchildren must study a foreign language， and while eight languages are available， 90 percent choose English.

即使在官方都癡迷于對抗英語霸權(quán)的法國，英語也在節(jié)節(jié)獲勝。薩洛莫內(nèi)寫道，法國官老爺們不斷試圖禁止“游戲玩家（gamer）、暗網(wǎng)（dark web）和假新聞（fake news）”等英語外來詞的使用，但他們的發(fā)號施令總被“悄然忽視”。雖然法國出臺了名為《都蓬法》的法律，“要求電臺播放的歌曲中，35%須為法國歌曲”，但“剩下的65%盡由美國音樂占據(jù)”。法國許多年輕藝人都用英語唱歌。根據(jù)法律規(guī)定，法國學(xué)生必須學(xué)習(xí)一門外語，雖然有8種語言可供選擇，但90%的學(xué)生選擇英語。

Salomone， the Kenneth Wang professor of law at St. Johns University School of Law， tends to glide over why English won， simply stating that English is the language of neoliberalism and globalization， which seems to beg the question. But she is meticulous and nuanced in chronicling the battles being fought over language policy in countries ranging from Italy to Congo， and analyzing the unexpected winners and losers.

對于英語勝出的原因，美國圣約翰大學(xué)法學(xué)院“王健杰出法學(xué)教授”薩洛莫內(nèi)未予深究，只是輕描淡寫地表示這是由于英語是新自由主義和全球化的語言，看起來這樣的回答會引起疑問。但她嚴(yán)謹(jǐn)、細(xì)致地回溯了意大利、剛果等國在語言政策方面的斗爭，并分析了讓人意想不到的贏家和輸家。

Exactly whom English benefits is complicated. Obviously， it benefits native Anglophones. Americans， with what Salomone calls their “smug monolingualism，” are often blissfully unaware of the advantage they have because of the worldwide dominance of their native tongue.

英語究竟對誰有利是很復(fù)雜的。顯然，這有利于母語為英語的人。薩洛莫內(nèi)稱之為“自鳴得意的單語主義”的美國人，往往身在福中，卻沒有意識到自己的優(yōu)勢，因?yàn)樗麄兊哪刚Z在世界范圍內(nèi)占據(jù)主導(dǎo)地位。

English also benefits globally connected market-dominant minorities in non-Western countries， like English-speaking whites in South Africa or the Anglophone Tutsi elite in Rwanda. In former French colonies like Algeria and Morocco， shifting from French to English is seen not just as the key to modernization， but as a form of resistance against their colonial past.

英語也有利于非西方國家中那些與全球有聯(lián)系且市場占主導(dǎo)地位的少數(shù)族群，如南非講英語的白人或盧旺達(dá)講英語的圖西族精英。在阿爾及利亞和摩洛哥等前法國殖民地，從法語轉(zhuǎn)向英語不僅被視為實(shí)現(xiàn)現(xiàn)代化的關(guān)鍵，也是對其殖民歷史的一種抵抗。

In India， the role of English is spectacularly complex. The ruling Hindu nationalist Indian Peoples Party prefers to depict English as the colonizers language， impeding the vision of an India unified by Hindu culture and Hindi. By contrast， for speakers of non-Hindi languages and members of lower castes， English is often seen as a shield against majority domination. Some reformers see English as an “egalitarian language” in contrast to Indian languages， which carry “the legacy of caste.”

在印度，英語的作用極其復(fù)雜。執(zhí)政的印度教民族主義政黨印度人民黨傾向于將英語描繪成殖民者的語言，該語言阻礙了由印度教文化和印地語將印度合眾為一的愿景。相比之下，對于非印地語使用者和低種姓成員來說，英語往往被視為反對多數(shù)統(tǒng)治的盾牌。一些改革者將英語視為一種“平等主義語言”，而印度的諸語言則帶有“種姓的后遺癥”。

English is also a symbol of social status. As a character in a recent Bollywood hit says： “English isnt just a language in this country. Its a class.” Meanwhile， Indian tiger parents， “from the wealthiest to the poorest，” press for their children to be taught in English， seeing it as the ticket to upward mobility.

英語也是社會地位的象征。正如近年寶萊塢熱播劇中角色所言：“英語不僅僅是這個國家的一種語言。它是一種階級?！迸c此同時，“從最富有到最貧窮”的印度虎爸虎媽，都會敦促他們的孩子接受英語教育，并將其視為階級躍遷的門票。

Salomones South Africa chapter is among the most interesting in the book. Along with Afrikaans， English is one of South Africas 11 official languages， and even though only 9.6 percent of the population speak English as their first language， it “dominates every sector，” including government， the internet， business， broadcasting， the press， street signs and popular music.

薩洛莫內(nèi)書中關(guān)于南非的章節(jié)是最有趣的章節(jié)之一。與南非荷蘭語一樣，英語是南非11種官方語言之一，盡管只有9.6%的人口將英語作為第一語言，但它“主導(dǎo)著各個領(lǐng)域”，包括政府、互聯(lián)網(wǎng)、商業(yè)、廣播、報(bào)刊、路標(biāo)和流行音樂。

But English is not only the language of South Africas commercial and political elite. It was also the language of Black resistance to the Afrikaner-dominated apartheid regime， giving it enormous symbolic importance. Thus， recent years have seen poor and working-class Black activists pushing for English-only instruction in universities， even though many of them are not proficient in the language.

但英語不僅僅是南非商業(yè)精英和政治精英的語言，也是黑人反抗南非白人主導(dǎo)的種族隔離政權(quán)的語言，被賦予了巨大的象征意義。由此，近年來，貧困和工薪階層的黑人活動家在大學(xué)里推行純英語教學(xué)，盡管他們中許多人并不精通英語。

Opponents of English， however， argue that shifting away from Afrikaans instruction disproportionately hurts the poor of all races， including lower-income Blacks， whites and mixed-race “colored” South Africans. Meanwhile， younger “colored activists are challenging the English-Afrikaans binary and exploring alternate forms of expression， like AfriKaaps，” a form of Afrikaans promoted by hip-hop artists. For now， though， “the constitutional commitment to language equality in South Africa is aspirational at best，” and “English reigns supreme for its economic power.”

然而，反對英語（教學(xué)）的人認(rèn)為，放棄南非荷蘭語教學(xué)，對所有種族的窮人造成了過多的傷害，包括低收入的黑人、白人和“有色的”混血南非人。與此同時，年輕的“有色人種活動家正在挑戰(zhàn)英語-南非荷蘭語的二元對立，并探索其他語言表達(dá)形式，如開普荷蘭語（AfriKaaps）”，這是嘻哈藝術(shù)家推廣的一種南非荷蘭語。然而，就目前而言，“南非對語言平等的憲法承諾充其量只是一種理想”，“英語以其經(jīng)濟(jì)實(shí)力占據(jù)了至高無上的地位”。

Learning English pays， with “positive labor market returns across the globe.” Throughout academia today， even in Europe and Asia， “the rule no longer is ‘Publish or perish but rather ‘Publish in English… or perish.” In the Middle East， “employees who were more proficient in English earned salaries from 5 percent （Tunisia） to a stunning 200 percent （Iraq） more than their non-English-speaking counterparts.” In Argentina， 90 percent of employers “believed that English was an indispensable skill for managers and directors.” In every country she surveys， higher income is correlated with English proficiency.

學(xué)習(xí)英語是有回報(bào)的，英語在“全球勞動力市場回報(bào)率為正”。在今天的整個學(xué)術(shù)界，甚至在歐洲和亞洲，“規(guī)則不再是‘出版或出局，而是‘用英語出版……否則出局”。在中東，“使用英語更熟練的員工的工資比不懂英語的員工從高出5%（突尼斯）到驚人的200%（伊拉克）”。在阿根廷，90%的雇主“認(rèn)為英語是經(jīng)理和主管不可或缺的技能”。在薩洛莫內(nèi)調(diào)查的每一個國家，收入更高都與英語熟練有關(guān)。

Salomone concludes with a brief discussion of American monolingualism， describing the waves of political angst over threats to English as the national language， while advocating more multilingualism in Anglophone countries. Beyond the economic benefits of speaking multiple languages in a globalized world， Salomone cites studies that show learning new languages improves overall cognitive function. In addition， she argues， “observing life through a wide linguistic and cultural lens leads to greater creativity and innovation.”

薩洛莫內(nèi)最后簡要討論了美國的單語主義，介紹對英語作為國家語言受到威脅的政治焦慮浪潮，同時倡導(dǎo)英語國家更多地使用多種語言。除了在全球化世界中說多種語言帶來的經(jīng)濟(jì)效益之外，薩洛莫內(nèi)還引用研究，表明學(xué)習(xí)新語言可以提高整體認(rèn)知功能。此外，她認(rèn)為，“通過廣泛的語言和文化視角觀察生活會帶來更大的創(chuàng)造力和創(chuàng)新”。

The Rise of English has its weaknesses. Most important， the book lacks any clear thesis beyond suggesting “l(fā)anguage is political; its complicated.” In addition， the book doesnt tie together or reflect on the divergence of its case studies; I frequently found myself wondering why the experiences of （say） France or Italy or Denmark were different， and what we should take from that fact.

《英語的崛起》也有缺憾。最重要的是，這本書除了暗示“語言是政治性的，很復(fù)雜”之外，沒有任何明確的論點(diǎn)。此外，這本書里沒有把案例研究聯(lián)系在一起，也沒有反思案例研究的分歧。我在閱讀中常想知道，為什么，（比如）法國、意大利或丹麥的情況不同，以及我們應(yīng)該從中吸取什么。

Finally， the book offers no clear evaluative framework. Salomone focuses primarily on straightforward economic factors （which often boil down to the same thing： access to global markets）， but there is a smattering of underdeveloped discussion of other， more elusive themes too， like race， equity， colonialism and imperialism. This hodgepodge of incommensurables may trace back to the books origins. In her preface， Salomone writes， “My initial plan was to write a book on the value of language in the global economy.” But “the deeper I dug… the more I viewed the issues through a wider global lens and the clearer the connections to educational equity， identity and democratic participation appeared.” Unfortunately， she never quite gets a handle on these deeper issues.

最后，這本書沒有提供明確的評價框架。薩洛莫內(nèi)主要關(guān)注直接的經(jīng)濟(jì)因素（通常歸結(jié)為同一件事：進(jìn)入全球市場），但對種族、公平、殖民主義和帝國主義等其他更難以捉摸的主題只有一些不夠深入的零星討論。這兩重互不相容的主題大雜燴的緣由，可從這本書的撰寫起源中探尋一二。薩洛莫內(nèi)在序言中寫道，“我最初的計(jì)劃是寫一本關(guān)于語言在全球經(jīng)濟(jì)中的價值的書”，但“我挖掘得越深……就越能從更廣泛的全球視角看待這些問題，它們與教育公平、身份認(rèn)同和民主參與的聯(lián)系就越清晰”。遺憾的是，她并未完全駕馭這些更深層次的問題。

The justifications for English—or any language—as a global lingua franca are based primarily in economic efficiency. By contrast， the reasons to protect local languages mostly sound in different registers—the importance of cultural heritage; the geopolitics of resistance to great powers; the value of Indigenous art; the beauty of idiosyncratic words in other languages that describe all the different types of snow or the different flavors of melancholia. As Gramsci reminded us， the question of who speaks what language invariably puts all this on the table.

將英語或任何語言作為全球通用語言的理由主要基于經(jīng)濟(jì)效率。相比之下，保護(hù)地方語言的理由大多是源自不同的考量：文化遺產(chǎn)的重要性、反抗強(qiáng)權(quán)的地緣政治、土著藝術(shù)的價值、地方語言中描述雪的各種類型或憂郁的不同滋味的獨(dú)特詞匯的美感。正如葛蘭西提醒我們的那樣，“誰說什么語言”的問題，無一例外都是懸而待決的。

（譯者為“《英語世界》杯”翻譯大賽獲獎選手；單位：北京大學(xué)國際法學(xué)院）

1法語中，游戲玩家（gamer）為joueur de jeu vidéo，暗網(wǎng)（dark web）為internet clandestine，假新聞（fake news）為information fallacieuse。? 2法國《都蓬法》（La Lois Toubon），1994年法國議會通過的法律，主要內(nèi)容包括政府出版物、大多數(shù)工作場所、廣告、部分媒體和公立學(xué)校必須強(qiáng)制使用法語。為適應(yīng)互聯(lián)網(wǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)，近年該限制有所放松。例如，1996年，在不影響消費(fèi)者的健康、安全或權(quán)利的前提下，法國免除部分外國產(chǎn)品和服務(wù)必須提供法語翻譯的義務(wù)。2015年，法國最高法院裁定，該法律不適用于總部不在法國或不針對法國消費(fèi)者的網(wǎng)站。2018年，法國允許更多的例外情況和簡化創(chuàng)建新法語術(shù)語的程序，使其更靈活適應(yīng)數(shù)字時代。