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    China’s Shift to Multilateralism in Building Global Partnerships

    2023-02-10 09:51:13
    China International Studies 2023年5期

    Chen Zhirui is Professor at China Foreign Affairs University and Executive Editor ofForeign Affairs Review; Wu Lin is Associate Professor at the Institute of Asian Studies, China Foreign Affairs University.The article was originally published in Chinese inForeign Affairs Review, No.4, 2023.

    Developing global partnerships is an important focus for China’s diplomacy in the new era.1Study Outline on Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy, People’s Publishing House, Study Publishing House, 2021, p.118.President Xi Jinping proposed at the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs in November 2014, “We should make more friends while abiding by the principle of non-alignment and build a global network of partnerships.”2“Xi Jinping Delivers Important Speech at Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs,”November 29, 2014, https://china.huanqiu.com/article/9CaKrnJFUd4.Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China (CPC),China has accelerated the expansion and upgrading of bilateral partnerships.China has concluded official partnerships with more than 100 countries and regional and sub-regional organizations to date, and a comprehensive,multi-level, and solid global partnership network has taken shape.3Ren Yuanzhe, Building a Global Partnership Network: Historical Development and Realistic Path,Economic Science Press, 2020.On this basis, the 20th CPC National Congress sets new requirements for global partnership building: “China adheres to the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence in pursuing friendship and cooperation with other countries.It is committed to promoting new international relations, deepening and expanding global partnerships based on equality, openness, and cooperation,and broadening the convergence of interests with other countries.”4Xi Jinping, “Holding High the Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Striving to Write a Brand New Chapter in Building a Modern Socialist Country,” Xi Jinping’s Selected Works, Vol.1, People’s Publishing House, 2023, p.50.Compared with 2014, China’s vision of building global partnerships has been upgraded from forming a global network of partnerships to promoting a new type of international relations.The change means that China’s partnership diplomacy has shifted from broadening the diplomatic layout to shaping the overall world order, keeping in mind what the world’s future should be and how China can coexist with a restructured world.

    The changes in China’s diplomacy stem from its inherent consciousness of being a major country and the objective development of great changes unseen in a century externally.From standing up, getting rich to becoming strong, China has seen the rise of its overall national strength and global status and revived its identity and self-confidence as a major country.Recognition of its value and significance is the internal driving force for the development and evolution of China’s diplomacy, while the external driving force comes from the great changes in the world.The so-called liberal order in the West is facing a crisis, emerging markets and developing countries are gaining comparative strength, the number of regional powers with global influence and determination to defend their legitimate rights and interests is increasing, and a multi-polar international structure is taking shape at an accelerated pace.5“Joint Statement of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation on Deepening the Comprehensive Strategic Partnership of Coordination for the New Era,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, March 22, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/zyxw/202303/t20230322_11046188.shtml.Facing the current unprecedented changes in history,China, as an increasingly powerful developing country, must shoulder more responsibilities for providing public goods and benefiting the whole world.China leads a new type of international relations featuring mutual respect,fairness, justice and win-win cooperation.The new type of international relations has become the theme of global partnership building in the new era.

    Multilateralism is a prominent feature of China’s global partnership construction in the new era.Based on the improved bilateral partnerships,China’s partnership diplomacy is increasingly focusing on the extension from bilateral to multilateral, the upgrade from multilateral diplomacy to multilateralism, and the role and function of emerging markets,

    developing countries and regional organizations in the world order.The diplomatic thinking of “major countries as the key, the neighborhood as the priority, developing countries as the foundation, and multilateral fora as an important stage,” which has continued since the turn of the century,is reshaped by the global systematic concept of equality, inclusiveness and cooperation.The proposals of the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative reflect China’s global systematic thinking.Systematic thinking gives rise to systematic practice.China’s new multilateralist practice, based on the common interests of the world and the common values of all humanity,will not only help unite the strength of developing countries, shape a more balanced North-South relationship, and promote peaceful changes in the world order, but more importantly will help China become a mature and modern power.This article tries to clarify the historical background of China’s shift to multilateralism in building global partnerships, explain its logic, and propose forward-looking ideas and practical paths for China’s role in reconstructing the new order.

    Challenges and Opportunities for Global Partnership Building

    The shift to multilateralism in China’s global partnership building has a profound historical background.The turbulence of the world order and changes in the theme of the times, the failure of the international system and the crisis of global governance, the rapid development of regional governance for developing countries and the multiple constraints they face, as well as the deconstruction and paranoia of the West towards multilateralism, have all posed new issues and challenges to China in building global partnerships that feature equality, openness, and cooperation.

    The world order facing serious challenges in security and development

    The starting point for China’s leaders to think about and formulate foreign strategy is an overall appraisal of the international situation.The report to the 20th CPC National Congress pointed out that “currently,changes in the world, times, and history are unfolding in an unprecedented manner” and “the world has once again reached a crossroads in history,and its future course will be decided by all the world’s peoples.”6Xi Jinping, “Holding High the Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Striving to Write a Brand New Chapter in Building a Modern Socialist Country,” p.49.Here, the change in the times means a change in the overarching theme of peace and development.

    Security and development are becoming the new theme of the times.The world is entering a new round of turbulence and change, and the stability of the world order is facing serious challenges.On the one hand,the task of the era of global sustainable development has not yet been completed.Still, new development problems come one after another, and the global development deficit is increasing.Global crises such as food security, refugees and climate change are intensifying, and the North-South development gap is widening.The Human Development Index has dropped for the first time in 30 years, and implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development faces unprecedented challenges.7China International Development Knowledge Center, Global Development Report, June 2022, p.4.The Ukraine crisis has triggered economic crises and political turmoil in many countries, making the governance systems of countries in the South more fragile and putting their governance capacity to a severe test.Western countries have contributed to the politicization and pan-securization of development issues, which has not only further narrowed the space for global development cooperation but also hindered the development of nontraditional security cooperation at global and regional levels.

    On the other hand, the peace deficit is widening, security problems are emerging, and a more insecure world is emerging.Global peace since the end of the Cold War has largely depended on the stability and cooperation between major powers.However, with the return of geostrategic competition among major powers, hegemonic and supremacist practices such as bullying, predation, and zero-sum game have become more prevalent.Relations between major countries have gradually fallen apart,becoming more divided, confrontational and conflictual.The deficit of global security governance is at an all-time high.For countries in the South striving for strategic autonomy, the pressure of great-power competition and the general absence of security cooperation will make their situation even more difficult.The risk of unpredictable unrest in the global and regional order is now on the increase.

    Global governance in paralysis due to dysfunctioning international system

    Global governance since the 20th century has developed based on multilateralism.The three global economic organizations, the World Bank,the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Trade Organization(WTO), are the institutional cores that sustain multilateralism.However,since the beginning of the 21st century, their role as the guarantor of the multilateral system has been seriously weakened.8Zheng Yu, “The Crisis and Transformation of Multilateralism in the 21st Century,” World Economics and Politics, No.8, 2020, pp.138-149.In the face of major issues such as anti-globalization, pandemic, great-power competition, climate change and war, the international system has unfortunately failed in both conflict prevention and cooperation improvement.The global governance is in crisis, or “has failed,” as asserted by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the G20 meeting.9“Video Message by Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi to G20 Foreign Ministers’ Meeting,” Ministry of External Affairs of India, March 2, 2023, https://mea.gov.in/Speeches-Statements.htm?dtl/36314/Video_Message_by_Prime_Minister_Shri_Narendra_Modi_to_G20_Foreign_Ministers_Meeting.

    One of the most glaring failures is the ongoing paralysis of the WTO.As the central institution of the global multilateral trading system, the WTO has failed to conclude any multilateral trade negotiations since its establishment.The collapse of the Doha Round is a major setback for global trade governance.Transparency and trade dispute settlement mechanisms have become the competition arena among countries and regions.During the pandemic, the WTO’s failure to effectively facilitate access to medical equipment and medicines and provide a system of enforceable rules to encourage vaccine development and distribution exacerbated the public health crisis.The US strategic competition with China has raised many scholars’ concerns about how trade multilateralism can work effectively in a world of “weaponized interdependence.”10Amrita Narlikar, “Holding Up a Mirror to the World Trade Organization: Lessons from the COVID-19 Pandemic,” ORF Special Report, No.141, June 2021; Xu Xiujun and Lin Kaiwen, “Politicization of the International Economic Agenda and the World Trade Organization Reform Dilemma,” World Economics and Politics, No.10, 2022, pp.101-129.

    The World Bank and the IMF are also beset with a serious insufficiency of capacity and an unequal distribution of resources in solving developing countries’ financing and debt problems.As a result,the financing needs of developing countries are difficult to meet, the aid promised by developed countries is hard to implement, and the stability of the international financial system is struggling to maintain.In recent years,international public opinion has hyped up the rhetoric of China’s “debttrap diplomacy,” accusing China of not making greater debt relief when an economic crisis broke out in Sri Lanka and other similar countries,thus preventing the IMF from intervening to provide timely financial relief.However, one should note that traditional international financial institutions such as the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank, as major creditors, have failed to play their assigned role for a long time, which is the crux of the unsustainable debt of these countries.11Deborah Brautigam and Meg Rithmire, “The Chinese ‘Debt Trap’ Is a Myth,” The Atlantic, February 6,2021, https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2021/02/china-debt-trap-diplomacy/617953.

    What is more worrisome, the United Nations’ authority is constantly being questioned.The US withdrawal from the UN Human Rights Council, UNESCO and other bodies, and its termination or drastic reduction of funding to UN funds and agencies have weakened the UN’s ability to maintain collective security and promote global cooperation.The UN’s absence in responding to major security threats and the difficulties in the reform of the UN Security Council demonstrate the imperative of consolidating and improving global security governance, a system in which the UN is its core, international law is its foundation and the purposes and principles of the UN Charter are the basic norms governing international relations.

    Insufficient resources and capacity of regional and sub-regional organizations

    Despite setbacks in multilateral governance at the global level, global governance remains an essential and critical need for the international community.To make up for the gap brought by the decline of global governance and meet the practical challenges derived from various crossborder security threats, many developing countries, represented by countries in the Global South, have turned to region-based governance and actively sought independent regional multilateralism.Therefore, regional governance has become a new form of global governance, driving the emergence of a multi-level, multi-domain and decentralized governance network.Global governance is becoming flat.12Qin Yaqing, “Global Governance Becomes Flat,” China International Studies, No.5, 2021, pp.55-72;Zhang Yun, “Regional Shifts in Global Governance and China’s Strategic Options under the COVID-19 Pandemic,” Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies, No.3, 2020, pp.141-165.However, flat and regionalized global governance also faces multiple challenges.The greatest among them is the lack of resources and capacity of regional and sub-regional organizations, contributing to the fragmentation, imbalance and low level of multilateralism.

    Under the impact of great-power competition and the COVID-19 pandemic, regional and sub-regional organizations have successively activated protective mechanisms to overcome the stress.In 2019, the 34th ASEAN Summit officially adopted the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific(AOIP), which had been prepared for nearly a year, and launched the Year of ASEAN Identity in 2020 to strengthen ASEAN’s collective identity.13“The Year of ASEAN Identity Begins,” The ASEAN, No.1, May 2020, p.28, https://asean.org/storage/2017/09/The-ASEAN-Magazine-Issue-1- May-2020.pdf.In the same year, to avoid being embroiled in great-power competition, Pacific Islands Forum leaders decided to develop a regional strategy.In 2022, the 51st Pacific Islands Forum Leaders’ Meeting approved the 2050 Strategy for Blue Pacific Continent, which identified the major concerns of regional countries, such as sea level rise, climate change, and natural disasters, as development priorities upon which countries will act through regionalism.14“2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent,” Pacific Islands Forum, 2022, https://www.forumsec.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/PIFS-2050-Strategy-Blue-Pacific-Continent-WEB-5Aug2022.pdf.In May 2023, promoted by Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva,the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) Summit, which had been stalled for many years, was held in Brasilia.The participating leaders signed the Brasilia Consensus and decided to restart the UNASUR process.15Xu Meng, “UNASUR Pushes for Regional Integration,” June 8, 2023, http://world.people.com.cn/n1/2023/0608/c1002-40008991.html.

    However, strengthening regional identities cannot mask these organizations’ lack of resources and capabilities.ASEAN reached a fivepoint consensus to resolve the political crisis in Myanmar in 2021.Still,the issue has not been properly resolved due to internal disagreements,16Michelle Nichols, “United Nations Calls for Halt of Weapons to Myanmar,” Reuters, June 19, 2021,https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/un-chief-urges-general-assembly-act-%20myanmar-2021-06-18.the complexity of the issue, and the constraints of regional norms.To this end, ASEAN expressed its wish that China would play a constructive role and help ASEAN overcome the crisis, and appreciated China for its positive efforts to promote dialogue among all parties and support the fivepoint consensus.17“Foreign Ministry Spokesperson Wang Wenbin’s Regular Press Conference on February 23, 2023,”Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, February 23, 2023, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/wjdt_674879/fyrbt_674889/202302/t20230223_11030319.shtml.This development reflected the limitations of regional organizations such as ASEAN in addressing regional security challenges.In general, the new type of global governance with regional governance as the main driving force gives countries that did not have a say in the past more opportunities to make themselves heard, enabling them to expand their interests and enhance their status based on their new regional identities,and making multilateralism more localized and pluralistic.18Amitav Acharya, The End of the American World Order, Yuan Zhengqing and Xiao Yingying, trans.,Shanghai People’s Publishing House, 2017, pp.132-159.But it is also possible that multilateralism is allowed to grow wildly and unevenly at a low level, which will exacerbate the fragmentation of multilateralism and further impede the resolution of global problems.

    The deconstruction and paranoia of multilateralism in the West

    In the context of the crisis in global governance, the international community is debating about the definition of multilateralism, the connotations of true multilateralism, and the future of multilateralism.What makes the discourse so competitive today includes the failure of global multilateral organizations to adapt to changes of the new era and the inconsistency of local knowledge provided by regional and sub-regional organizations.More importantly, major changes have occurred in the perception and practice of multilateralism by the leading country of the traditional multilateral system, namely the US.The West now regards China as an ideological enemy and strategic competitor, which has directly led to the deconstruction of multilateralist ideas and mechanisms both old and new and the paranoia to build a “pseudo-multilateral” anti-China alliance.

    Multilateralism since World War II has evolved in three stages.The first stage was the old multilateralism, the multilateral system established under the US leadership to govern the Western world.It was a traditional form of US-style multilateralism.The second stage was the new multilateralism, in which the US extended the multilateral system to non-Western countries by embracing its rivals and tolerating some regional and sub-regional organizations.However, such multilateralism remains unchanged in its nature of being US-led and US-empowered.The third stage is multilateralism in the current state of chaos and competition.The “America First” and the “withdrawal diplomacy” during the Trump administration clearly show that the US has changed its multilateral orientation towards the international system it once led and empowered.The traditional concepts and mechanisms of multilateralism are being deconstructed and retooled to serve the West’s new goal of strategic competition with China.On this basis, the Biden administration went further to conniving the re-militarization of Japan, promoting the NATO expansion to the Asia-Pacific, building small circles such as AUKUS,Quad, G7-plus, and Chip 4, replacing and diluting multilateralism with minilateralism, and introducing the reform of traditional multilateral mechanisms such as the UN onto the track of great-power competition,in an attempt to reconstruct a new set of US-style multilateralism.The essence of the new US-style multilateralism is pseudo-multilateralism,a group thinking disguised as a multilateralist discourse that follows the exclusive, camp-based and ideologically-driven logic of “culture of death.”19Robert Kagan has pointed out that the “culture of death” in the US refers to their tendency to view the world from a perspective of good versus evil, resort to a belligerent character, and favor coercion and unilateralism over diplomacy and cooperation to achieve national goals.See Amitav Acharya, The End of the American World Order, p.153.The US has linked its competition with China to maintaining the liberal hegemonic order it leads, and its perception of multilateralism has become increasingly instrumentalized and simplified.Political polarization and anti-intellectualism in the US have further intensified its paranoia in the narrative and practice of multilateralism.20Diao Daming, “The Polarization of American Foreign Policy,” Contemporary International Relations,No.8, 2022, pp.30-36; Zuo Xiying, “The Crisis of US Foreign Policy and Its Root Causes,” Foreign Affairs Review, No.3, 2022, pp.21-47.

    From Multilateral Diplomacy to Multilateralism

    It is important experience in the CPC’s diplomatic history that it should accurately grasp the changing trend of the times and adjust its thinking and approach accordingly.21Zhang Baijia, “Changing Oneself, Influencing the World: A Brief Discussion on the Basic Line of Chinese Diplomacy in the 20th Century,” Chinese Social Sciences, No.1, 2002, p.9.The shift to multilateralism in global partnership building is not only a response to the risks and challenges brought by the changes of the current era, but also the natural result of China’s gradual transformation into a modern and maturing way of conducting diplomacy.China’s diplomacy in the new era is both inheriting and pioneering.Therefore, to define its content, regulate its direction and clarify its paths, we must go back to the historical and ideological logic of China’s diplomacy.

    The core of the shift in global partnership building is multilateralism with a two-fold meaning.First, expanding and enhancing bilateral partnerships with global coverage is no longer the core task of global partnership building.The challenges that follow is how to enhance the resilience of China’s cooperation with the network of partnerships in the volatile international environment, ensure the stability of China’s external relations and overall national security, and, more importantly,reshape the world order with the norms of the new type of international relations, making it more inclusive and equal.It requires a combination of systematic perspective and bottom-line thinking to strengthen the construction and development of global partnerships.Second,multilateralism is the best and most promising path to achieve this goal.The Western-led multilateralism is facing a crisis, but the vast number of developing countries still have a strong need for multilateral public goods.In this case, multilateralism, as an ideological method of systematic governance of world affairs and a diplomatic means to resist Western group thinking, is bound to become the first choice for constructing global partnerships.However, the shift of global partnership building to multilateralism cannot be based on imagination but is rooted in China’s multilateral diplomatic practice since the founding of the People’s Republic of China.Its evolution process can be roughly divided into four stages.

    The first stage was integrating into the UN system (1949-2000).The first and foremost task of New China after its founding was to consolidate the new regime, ensure national security and independence,and win international recognition.Restoring New China’s representation in the UN mattered to achieving these three goals.Facing obstruction from the US and the West, the PRC applied to join the Universal Postal Union in 1950 as the beginning, and gradually won the international community’s recognition of China’s rightful seat in the UN.22Han Changqing and Yao Baihui, “Revolutionary Patriotism: China’s Policy towards the UPU (1950-1951),” Foreign Affairs Review, No.6, 2009, pp.55-73.During this period, China’s multilateral participation in the UN’s specialized agencies and the Asia-Africa Conference was not only to break the US-led Western containment and isolation but also to integrate into the UN system together with Asian, African and Latin American countries and create a favorable international environment for national development.In 1971, the 26th session of the UN General Assembly passed a resolution to restore China’s representation, which was followed by a flurry of diplomatic relations establishment between China and many countries.The scope of China’s diplomatic activities has since expanded to the entire international arena.With the 1978 reform and opening-up, China’s diplomacy underwent a more thorough adjustment in thinking and began to practice a more balanced and comprehensive non-aligned diplomacy.Based on the new strategy of improving and strengthening political and economic relations with other countries, China has expanded its multilateral contacts with various UN agencies and strengthened its cooperation with the international community.

    The second stage was fully integrating into the international multilateral system and actively engaging in neighboring regional cooperation (2001-2008).After entering the 21st century with the rapid development of globalization, China continued to carry out the policy of reform and opening-up and fully started the historical process of integrating into the international multilateral system.With China’s accession to the WTO in 2001, China and the West reached a consensus on how to view China’s status and role in the current international multilateral order.China implemented socialist market economic reforms at home, adapted to Western-led free trade and financial rules abroad,joined almost all international multilateral mechanisms, and became an important participant in UN peacekeeping operations.Although the strategic debate about whether China is a rising power committed to the status quo emerged in the West,23Alastair Iain Johnston, “Is China a Status Quo Power?” International Security, Vol.27, No.4, 2003,pp.5-56.the US, motivated by the need for a global counter-terrorist alliance, not only strengthened the Western multilateral system deeply embedded with China but also tolerated the rise of various regional organizations.24The US support for regionalism has always been selective.Based on the consideration of power and interests and out of prejudice, the US does not consider regionalism carried out by regional organizations outside Europe to be multilateralism.See Amitav Acharya, The End of the American World Order, pp.76-84.In this context, the expansion and deepening of China’s shared interests with its neighbors led to its growing interest in regional cooperation in its neighborhood.In 2001, a new regional organization for multilateral cooperation in Eurasia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), was born in Shanghai, China.ASEANcentered East Asian cooperation mechanisms such as China-ASEAN cooperation (10+1), ASEAN cooperation with China, Japan, and South Korea (10+3), East Asia Summit (EAS), and ASEAN Regional Forum(ARF) also developed rapidly during this period.In 2006, the foreign ministers of BRICS countries held their first meeting and kick-started the BRICS cooperation.

    The third stage was promoting global economic governance reform and creating new multilateral mechanisms (2009-2016).With the global financial tsunami caused by the subprime mortgage crisis in the US as the turning point, China’s multilateral diplomacy became more reflective and pioneering than before.In 2008, the G20 held its first summit, and the Pittsburgh summit in the following year established the G20 as the premier forum for international economic cooperation.In 2016, China held the G20 presidency for the first time and hosted the Hangzhou summit.During this period, the main goal of China’s multilateral diplomacy was to promote the reform of global economic governance.Therefore, apart from the G20,China upgraded multilateral platforms such as BRICS and the SCO at an accelerated pace.In contrast to their earlier integration into the Western multilateral system, emerging markets and developing countries were no longer passive takers of rules and arrangements in these mechanisms but tried to become major players in institutional design and agenda-setting.In June 2009, the BRICS leaders held their first meeting in Russia.In 2011, South Africa officially joined the BRICS mechanism.In March 2016, the first China-initiated Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC)Leaders’ Meeting was held in Sanya, China.The LMC is a new sub-regional mechanism led by China in its neighborhood and an innovative pilot model of South-South cooperation.

    The fourth phase is the increasingly clearer shaping of multilateralism(2017-present).Amid the dispute over the fate of globalization triggered by the United States’ hostile trade policies against China, China has clearly expressed its support for economic globalization and launched the agenda of expanding the membership of BRICS and the SCO.In June 2017, the SCO summit in Astana granted membership to India and Pakistan.In September, the BRICS Xiamen summit initiated the BRICS Plus model and held a dialogue between emerging markets and developing countries to promote a broader network of partnerships.In the face of setbacks in international multilateralism following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, President Xi Jinping elaborated on the important proposition of what kind of multilateralism the world needs and how countries can practice multilateralism.He pointed out that solving the world’s problems requires “upholding multilateralism and steering the world towards the vision of a community with a shared future for mankind,” and reiterated that true multilateralism, which the world urgently needs, is inseparable from the UN, international law and cooperation among countries.25Xi Jinping: The Governance of China, Vol.4, Foreign Languages Press, 2022; Wang Yi, “Thoroughly Implementing the Xi Jinping Thought on Diplomacy and Holding High the Torch of Genuine Multilateralism,” Study Times, July 9, 2021.From global health diplomacy to putting forward the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative, China’s goals and actions to shape the world order through multilateralism have become increasingly clear and better defined.

    The multilateral experience of New China since its founding shows that the shift to multilateralism in the construction of global partnerships is not a confirmation and reinforcement of the Western logic that strong hegemonic power is needed to run the global system, but a new story written by the Chinese people themselves and rooted in the history of China’s interaction with the world multilateral system.As a major developing country, China has learnt through the interaction that the multilateral system it builds should pay more attention to the maginalized countries in the traditional system, attach greater importance to fairness,justice, equality and inclusiveness, and have stronger momentum to achieve balanced international relations.

    The Logic of China’s Shift to Multilateralism in Global Partnership Building

    The historical process of China’s multilateral experience reveals the origin of the shift to multilateralism in global partnership building, while the shift to multilateralism in the Chinese leaders’ thinking is the theoretical way forward to address the evolution of China and the world order in the uncertain era.Unlike the Cold War era, the current era of change evolves around emerging markets, developing countries and regional powers, and China’s rising position in the world order has promoted the formation of a global vision and a shift in thinking.At this point, China’s leaders began to think about how to live peacefully with the reshaping world order, starting with the power, institutions, and values that make up the order and its evolution.26He Kai and Feng Huiyun, “The Rise of China and the Transformation of International Order: A Typological Analysis,” Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies, No.3, 2020, pp.4-29; Liu Feng, “The Definition and Classification of International Order,” World Politics Studies, No.4, 2021, pp.108-113.

    Rational choice of interest-sharing

    The change of power structure is the premise for Chinese leaders to turn to multilateralism in their diplomatic thinking.The CPC is based on materialism.In its thinking about China’s relations with the world, the first consideration is the material basis of the world order.

    First, non-Western countries will be the key forces driving the evolution of the world order.The majority of the world’s countries are not from the West, and their identities and positions are increasingly prominent in the context of intensifying great-power competition.The US regards China as a systematic adversary and is actively building a united anti-China front that includes Western allies and non-Western like-minded countries.However, both in terms of alliance management within the liberal order and the response from regional states to US containment plans such as the Indo-Pacific strategy, the US attempt has not succeeded.David C.Kang,a US scholar in East Asian studies, has found that there is no “contain China” coalition in East Asia, as some people imagine.27David C.Kang, “Still Getting Asia Wrong: No ‘Contain China’ Coalition Exists,” The Washington Quarterly, Vol.45, No.4, 2022, pp.79-98.The autonomy and neutrality of most non-Western countries in the Russia-Ukraine conflict also indicate that they are bound to play an independent and important role in the new reconstruction of the world order.Therefore, to maintain stable global partnerships, China must pay more attention to the power and role of non-Western countries.

    Second, the peaceful transition of the world order depends on the sharing of diverse interests under the new power dispersion paradigm.As a new trend in the world’s development today, power dispersion is influencing the US-led hegemonic order.The question in front of politicians is not whether the order will change but whether and how to achieve a peaceful transformation from a unipolar hegemonic order to a multipolar complex order.28T.V.Paul et al., eds., The Oxford Handbook of Peaceful Change in International Relations, Oxford University Press, 2022.Chinese leaders believe that to achieve peaceful changes in the order,it is necessary to adapt to the new power distribution and then to build a cooperative framework in which both the North and the South participate and promote the inclusive sharing of diverse interests.Therefore, effective and representative multilateralism has become a rational choice for China to follow the trend and promote the shared interests of global partners and the peaceful change of order.

    Policy preference learned from practice

    Multilateralism is not only a rational choice for the inclusive sharing of diverse interests but also a new policy preference that China’s leaders have learned from through years of international institutional practice.It has both the characteristics of Western-led international regimes and the practical attributes of East Asian regional cooperation, advocating innovative multilateralism that inherits the existing international regimes but makes up for the failure of current global governance and the shortcomings of bilateral partnership diplomacy in shaping the world order.

    The decision to select multilateralism as the stable and lasting policy preference is based on China’s multilateral practice in two tracks.One is the practice of Western-led international regimes, and the other is the East Asia regional cooperation centered on ASEAN.The two tracks of institutional practice together shape China’s preference for multilateralism but in different ways.The Western-led international regimes have been an important guarantee for the operation of the world order since World War II and a platform for exchanges and cooperation among countries.International regimes provide a rules-based environment for China,which regulates China’s behavior while also constraining other countries,including the US, to safeguard China’s legitimate rights and interests and facilitate China’s rise in the era of globalization.Therefore, Chinese leaders have repeatedly stressed to the international community that the existing multilateral system should be maintained, which, in essence, is to carry forward the international institutional nature and promote the continuous improvement of multilateralism based on rules and regimes.Compared with the universality of international regimes, China’s regional cooperation practice in East Asia has promoted the formation of a Chinese-style preference for multilateralism, which pays more attention to the practical and social attributes of multilateralism.The process of China’s participation in East Asian regional cooperation after the end of the Cold War is regarded by constructivist scholars as a process of socialization.29Alice D.Ba, “Who’s Socializing Whom? Complex Engagement in Sino-ASEAN Relations,” The Pacific Review, Vol.19, No.2, 2006, pp.157-179.In this process,different regions have developed their own cultures, norms and multilateral practices with their inherent individual anchoring logic.30Qin Yaqing, “Multilateralism: A Practical Perspective from Comparative Regional Governance Studies,” East Asia Review, No.1, 2022, pp.9-32.There is no onesize-fits-all logic that applies to all regions.Therefore, while upholding the universal principles of international regimes and safeguard international multilateralism, it is necessary to respect different regions’ practical cultures and processes and develop a result-oriented regional multilateralism.

    Value orientation by embracing diverse civilizations

    Is the value orientation of the world order pluralistic or monistic? Is it harmonic with differences or universal? These questions have a direct bearing on what path the future world order will take.History has proven that the monistic universal value has promoted the modernization and industrialization of human civilization, but it has also intensified the conflicts among different civilizations.In addition, its progress has been achieved at the cost of the sovereign dignity, development rights, and interests of many less developed countries.Therefore, most developing countries call for a fairer, more equitable international order.The value of inclusiveness and harmony in diversity is gaining more international recognition and providing a source of norms for the new order.

    The beginning of Chinese leaders to view multilateralism from a civilizational perspective stems from significant international and domestic changes.On the one hand, the West treats China as an ideological adversary and creates a binary narrative of “democracy versus autocracy.” From the perspectives of China’s leaders, framing the socalled ideological confrontation is just a pretense for the West to cover its mistakes.The essence is a struggle between development and containment of development, and between justice and power politics.31“A Journey of Friendship, Cooperation and Peace that Attracts Worldwide Attention,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, March 22, 2023, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/zxxx_662805/202303/t20230324_11048606.html.Therefore, to achieve a fair right to development and an equal voice, it is necessary to abandon the monistic concept of development, security, and civilization and realize the reform of norms in international relations through openness,inclusiveness, and mutual learning.This is consistent with the core values of pluralism and equality in multilateralism.On the other hand, the proposal of Chinese modernization marks a new height of the Chinese people’s worldview.Rooted in sustainable development and pluralistic and equal civilization, the concept advocates a new humanistic spirit of the 21st century that transcends the clash of civilizations and anthropocentrism,promotes ecological awareness, shows respect for others and differences,upholds multi-cultural complementarity, and strives to build a new world with interaction, complementarity, mutual benefit and win-win cooperation as the core way of thinking.32Le Daiyun, Chinese Thought in Multiculturalism: Sixteen Lectures on Cross-cultural Communication in the 21st Century, Zhonghua Book Company, 2015, pp.1-2.China’s shift to multilateralism in global partnership building is precisely an international projection of the evolution of this worldview.

    Approach to achieve legitimacy in the new order

    The changes in the world order in terms of power, institutions and values will ultimately be reflected in how China’s legitimacy drive for the new order can be realized, an issue which is comprised of two dimensions:the reconstruction of the order’s legitimacy, and the legitimization of the new order’s building.The former is about the reconstruction of order,concerning which elements are being delegitimized and which parts need to be legitimized through constant reforms.The latter is the instruments and paths of legitimization.How China shapes these two aspects will determine whether it can achieve legitimacy in the new order.

    For the reconstruction of order, China’s concept is that there is no complete replacement of one order for another.33Wu Xinbo, “China in Search of a Liberal Partnership International Order,” International Affairs,Vol.94, No.5, 2018, pp.995-1018.This idea originates from the traditional Chinese culture of harmony and coexistence,and the symbiosis ofYinandYang.As everything is interrelated and complementary, there exists no order that is absolutely legitimate while the others are deemed illegitimate.To achieve a world order that all countries regard as legitimate, we must first recognize that the new order is complex and pluralistic.US scholar Alastair Iain Johnston believes the new world order should be a collection of composite orders rather than a single liberal order led by the US.34Alastair Iain Johnston, “China in a World of Orders: Rethinking Compliance and Challenge in Beijing’s International Relations,” International Security, Vol.44, No.2, 2019, pp.9-60.It should be followed by improving the existing order and rebuilding the complex order’s legitimacy.Former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger believes that the legitimacy of the world order is based on the balance of power and the concert of great powers, and power is the main source of the order’s legitimacy.35Henry Kissinger, World Order, Hu Liping et al., trans., Citic Press, 2015.However,according to the complex and pluralistic view of order, major powers are no longer the only providers of order legitimacy, and the sources of legitimacy of different orders are also different.Thus, major powers, small and medium-sized states, international and regional organizations, nonstate actors must work together to build diverse partnerships and achieve global good governance.To achieve this goal, renewing multilateralism is a must.As President Xi Jinping put it in his special speech at the Davos World Economic Forum in 2021, “to uphold multilateralism in the 21st century, we should promote its fine tradition, take on new perspectives and look to the future.We need to stand by the core values and basic principles of multilateralism.We also need to adapt to the changing international landscape and respond to global challenges as they arise.We need to reform and improve the global governance system on the basis of extensive consultation and consensus-building.”36Xi Jinping: The Governance of China, Vol.4, Foreign Languages Press, 2022, p.463Only in this way can China promote the reconstruction of the world order while enhancing the legitimacy of its own order status.

    China’s Practice of Multilateralism in Global Partnership Building

    Under the combined influence of changes in global trends, accumulated historical experience and changing perspectives, China’s practice of multilateralism in global partnership building has been increasingly enriched.It takes the UN and international law as its core, mechanisms and agendas as the link, developing countries and regions as its main focus, and promoting regional security and world peace as its new objectives.China’s main actions include building a community of development and security with China-ASEAN cooperation as a priority; focusing on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and building a platform for multilateral cooperation that is inclusive and effective; deep diving into the potential of regional cooperation and exploring new models of South-South cooperation based on different regional civilizations and universal interests and concerns;and providing public goods of peace to conflict zones in developing countries with the world and its future in mind.

    Prioritizing China-ASEAN cooperation

    East Asia is the geopolitical focus of US competition with China,and the Western Pacific is the priority direction of American military and strategic investments.As a result, ASEAN’s strategic position is particularly prominent in the era of great-power competition.China regards ASEAN as a diplomatic priority, not only in response to the strategic challenges of the US but also due to the continuous structural adjustment befitting the environment and endogeneity of China-ASEAN cooperation.The cooperation between China and ASEAN is structured through multilateralism.

    First, China’s strategic assurance to ASEAN is continuously strengthened with maturing mechanisms and rules.China has always attached importance to strategic assurance and self-restraint to ASEAN.In 2002, China and ASEAN countries signed the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea.In 2003, China became the first country outside the region to sign the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia.With the further widening of power gap between the two sides after 2010 and ASEAN’s increasing concerns about China, China has accelerated the construction of a strategic assurance mechanism.In 2013, consultations on a code of conduct in the South China Sea were launched.In 2017, the framework for the Code of Conduct in the South China Sea was reached,and in 2018, a single draft negotiating text of the Code of Conduct was formed.In 2023, China reiterated that it is ready to take the lead in signing the Treaty on the Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone and called for an early conclusion of the Code of Conduct to provide institutional guarantee for peace and cooperation in the South China Sea.

    Second, the two sides have constantly advanced the structural alignment of development strategies and the in-depth integration of interests.By aligning development strategies and interests, China and ASEAN have expanded cooperation in trade and investment, connectivity,digital transformation, scientific and technological innovation, green development, public health, and poverty reduction.Since 2019, the two sides have signed the Joint Statement on Synergizing the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) 2025 and the Belt and Road Initiative(BRI), the Plan of Action on a Closer Partnership of Science, Technology and Innovation for Future (2021-2025), and the Initiative on Building ASEAN-China Partnership on Digital Economy Cooperation (2021-2025),laying a beneficial foundation for enhancing China-ASEAN cooperation and resilience of regional supply chains.

    Third, China has been supporting the legitimacy of ASEAN centrality and shaping the common regional vision of China and ASEAN.It is the common vision of China and ASEAN to maintain ASEAN centrality.Unlike some countries that pay lip service but fail to deliver actions,China’s efforts to continuously consolidate ASEAN’s centrality are concrete.In recent years, China has actively explored ways to cooperate with ASEAN, put forward the proposal of promoting synergy between the Belt and Road Initiative and the ASEAN Outlook on Indo-Pacific,and fully supported ASEAN in handling the Myanmar issue through the ASEAN Way, to safeguard ASEAN’s strategic independence, unity and selfimprovement.37“Qin Gang Meets with Secretary-General of ASEAN Kao Kim Hourn,” March 27, 2023, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/zxxx_662805/202303/t20230329_11050832.html.

    The structuralization of China-ASEAN cooperation aims at a common goal of jointly maintaining regional rules and order,40which serves as a benchmark for China’s practice of multilateralism in building global partnerships and makes its call for shaping a new type of international relations more inspiring and persuasive.

    Improving the quality and expanding the membership of BRICS and SCO

    BRICS and the SCO are the world’s most influential South-South cooperation platforms today, and promoting their quality and expanding their membership have become an important way for China to build multilateralism in global partnerships.The report to the 20th CPC National Congress clearly stated that “China works to see cooperation mechanisms such as BRICS and the SCO exert greater influence, and emerging markets and developing countries are better represented and have a greater say in global affairs.”38Xi Jinping, “Holding High the Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Striving to Write a Brand New Chapter in Building a Modern Socialist Country,” p.51One of its practical approaches is to open up to more developing countries that meet the standards and make BRICS and the SCO effective and dynamic platforms for multilateral cooperation that truly reflect the changes in power structure.

    Since its inception, BRICS has repeatedly spoken out about the under-representation of developing and underdeveloped countries in global financial system.President Xi Jinping has repeatedly pointed out that BRICS is not a closed club or an exclusive circle but a big family of good partners that is based on mutual assistance for win-win cooperation.In 2021, the New Development Bank admitted the United Arab Emirates,Uruguay, Bangladesh and Egypt as its first batch of new members.In 2022, China assumed the rotating presidency of BRICS and promoted the adoption of the Beijing Declaration at the 14th BRICS summit.The Declaration supported promoting discussions among BRICS members on the expansion process and stressed the need to establish clear guiding principles, standards, criteria and procedures for expansion.39“XIV BRICS Summit Beijing Declaration,” XIV BRICS Summit, June 23, 2022, http://brics2022.mfa.gov.cn/eng/hywj/ODS/202207/t20220705_10715631.html.Iran and Argentina submitted their applications to join BRICS during the same period.Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Egypt and other countries have also expressed interest in becoming BRICS members.Driven by China, the BRICS countries have strengthened ties with the African Union, supporting the AU’s Agenda 2063 and Africa’s efforts to promote integration through the development of the African Continental Free Trade Area and other means,and pledging to help Africa accelerate industrialization and infrastructure construction.As a representative of Africa and a leading country of the African Union, South Africa takes over the rotating presidency of BRICS in 2023, leading the expansion agenda of the mechanism during a critical period.Before the 15th BRICS summit was held in South Africa, a BRICS accession tide had quietly emerged.Bangladesh, Ethiopia and more than ten countries formally applied to join the mechanism, while many other countries expressed their willingness to join through informal channels.At the formal meeting of BRICS foreign ministers in South Africa in June,Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Ma Zhaoxu stated that China fully supports the South African presidency and looks forward to welcoming new members of the BRICS big family.40“Ma Zhaoxu Attends the Formal Meeting of BRICS Ministers of Foreign Affairs and International Relations,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, June 2, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/gjhdq_665435/2913_665441/3094_664214/3096_664218/202306/t20230606_11090493.html.The BRICS expansion is expected to bring opportunities for African countries to expand their global influence and strengthen trade links with the five existing BRICS countries.

    Following the initial expansion in 2017 that included India and Pakistan as full members, the SCO witnessed its second expansion in 2022.Leaders of the member states issued the Samarkand Declaration, signed a memorandum on Iran’s accession to the SCO, initiated the process of admitting Belarus as a member state, and approved Egypt, Saudi Arabia,Qatar, Bahrain, Maldives, the UAE, Kuwait and Myanmar as new dialogue partners.President Xi Jinping clearly stated at the meeting that “China supports advancing SCO expansion in an active yet prudent manner.We need to seize the opportunity to build consensus, deepen cooperation and jointly create a bright future for the Eurasian continent.”41“President Xi Jinping Attends the 22nd Meeting of the SCO Council of Heads of State and Delivers Important Remarks,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, September 16, 2022, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/zxxx_662805/202209/t20220916_10767162.html.In July 2023, at the 23rd meeting of the SCO Council of Heads of State hosted by India,Iran was officially approved as a new member state.In the future, with the full membership of Iran and Belarus, the SCO family will grow from the original six to ten member states, plus two observer states and fourteen dialogue partners.The expansion will encourage more major developing countries and regional powers to communicate closely and work with the SCO, which is extremely important for enhancing the organization’s international influence and deepening solidarity in the Eurasian region.As the six Middle East countries form the majority among the eight new dialogue partners, the Middle East will be deeply integrated with the Eurasian continent in the future, and the economic and security links between the two geotectonic plates will continue to strengthen, thus greatly enhancing regional peace and development.

    Building multilateral cooperation platforms with regional countries and organizations

    Regional cooperation is an important aspect of China’s global partnership building.In engaging with its non-adjacent regions such as Africa, the Middle East, South Pacific and Latin America, China does not attempt to change the inherent order and framework of the regions,nor does it want to create regional divisions or deepen internal fault lines with the logic of balance of power to establish and expand its influence.China is more willing to adapt to the existing structure of the regions and supports equal cooperation with all regions that pursue solidarity and selfimprovement.In the early days of building global partnerships, China mostly cooperated with regional organizations as a dialogue partner.With the increasing importance of multilateralism, China began explicitly supporting regional cooperation as a major developing country.China is actively developing new platforms for multilateral cooperation with jointly building a shared future community as the core agenda.

    Africa is a priority of China’s global partnership diplomacy.The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC), established in 2000, is an important platform for collective dialogue and practical cooperation between China and Africa.It serves as an important benchmark for international cooperation with Africa.42“Wang Yi: China-Africa Cooperation Forum Leads International Cooperation with Africa,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, January 13, 2020, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/web/gjhdq_676201/gjhdqzz_681964/zfhzlt_682902/xgxw_682908/20 2001/t20200113_9387494.shtml.At the FOCAC Beijing summit in September 2018, Chinese and African leaders unanimously decided to work together to build a closer China-Africa community with a shared future.They adopted two important documents: the Beijing Declaration and the Beijing Action Plan (2019-2021), announcing that in the next three years, China will focus on implementing eight major initiatives to comprehensively strengthen cooperation between China and Africa in various fields.The development of FOCAC has entered a new era.In 2021, the FOCAC adopted the Dakar Action Plan (2022-2024), which will further improve and upgrade China-Africa cooperation.

    The upgrade of global partnership diplomacy has also led to the rapid development of China-Middle East cooperation.In December 2022,President Xi Jinping attended the first China-Arab States Summit and the China-Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit and paid a state visit to Saudi Arabia.During the visit, the Riyadh Declaration of the First China-Arab States Summit, the Outline of the Comprehensive Cooperation Plan between China and Arab States, a document on Deepening the Sino-Arab Strategic Partnership for Peace and Development, and the 2023-2027 Action Plan for Strategic Dialogue between China and the GCC were released.China and Arab states agreed to make every effort to build an Arab-China community with a shared future in the new era and strengthen cooperation under a framework including the China-Arab States Cooperation Forum.

    In addition, China has established the mechanism of China-Pacific Island Countries (PICs) Foreign Ministers’ Meeting.President Xi Jinping said in his remarks at the second foreign ministers’ meeting that China is willing to work with PICs to build an even closer China-Pacific Island Countries community with a shared future.43“Fact Sheet: Cooperation Between China and Pacific Island Countries,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, May 24, 2022, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/wjdt_665385/2649_665393/202205/t20220524_10691917.html.China and the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) have also established the mechanism of China-CELAC Forum.At the third ministerial meeting of China-CELAC Forum in December 2021, all parties had in-depth discussions to promote building a China-CELAC community with a shared future and adopted a joint declaration and action plan for cooperation in key areas.In May 2023, President Xi Jinping chaired the first China-Central Asia Summit in Xi’an.Heads of state from the six countries signed the Xi’an Declaration of the China-Central Asia Summit, agreed to focus on the future and jointly build a closer China-Central Asia community with a shared future, and officially innaugurated the China-Central Asia Summit mechanism.44“President Xi Jinping and the Presidents of the Five Central Asian Countries Jointly Meet the Press,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, May 19, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/zxxx_662805/202305/t20230519_11080118.html.

    Initiating multilateral settlement mechanisms for regional hotspot issues

    In today’s world, one of the major reasons restricting developing countries’ economic and social development is the security issue that has not been fundamentally resolved.Conflicts between countries due to historical,territorial, religious and ethnic contradictions have persisted for a long time, exacerbating regional instability and hindering the achievement of global development goals.China has always adhered to the foreign policy of peaceful coexistence and non-interference in other countries’ internal affairs,actively participated in UN peacekeeping operations, and maintained constructive involvement in regional hotspot issues.With the advancement of global partnership diplomacy and the increasing global security deficit,China has increasingly spoken out on regional hotspot issues, taken a clearer position, and led a more proactive approach from a systematic and longterm perspective to provide peaceful public goods for regional conflict resolution.

    The situation in Afghanistan faces serious challenges after the withdrawal of the US.To jointly address the changing situation in the country, China and its neighbors initiated the mechanism of Foreign Ministers’ Meeting of Afghanistan’s Neighboring States in September 2021,and four meetings have been held so far.At the Tunxi meeting hosted by China in March 2022, the participants not only issued a joint statement covering political, diplomatic, economic, humanitarian, counterterrorism,and security issues, but also adopted the Tunxi Initiative on supporting Afghanistan’s economic reconstruction and practical cooperation.In April 2023, right before the fourth Foreign Ministers’ Meeting of Afghanistan’s Neighboring States, the Chinese Foreign Ministry issued China’s Position on the Afghan Issue, which comprehensively and systematically explained the Chinese stance on the complicated issue and demonstrated its active diplomatic posture.In the Samarkand Declaration of the Fourth Meeting of Foreign Ministers of Afghanistan’s Neighboring States, all parties agreed to “enhance cooperation on counterterrorism and security among neighboring countries and develop a united front against terrorism,”jointly deal with the increasingly severe counterterrorism and security situation, and explore the alignment of regional connectivity projects with Afghanistan.45“Samarkand Declaration of the Fourth Meeting of Foreign Ministers of Afghanistan’s Neighboring States,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, April 14, 2023, https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng//wjdt_665385/2649_665393/202304/t20230414_11059110.html.

    The Middle East situation is also undergoing significant readjustment.In recent years, China has strengthened its participation in and support for peace-building in the region.In March 2023, China hosted and supported the talks between Saudi Arabia and Iran in Beijing and issued a trilateral joint statement announcing that the two countries had reached an agreement, including the resumption of diplomatic relations.The Saudi-Iran rapprochement has led to a wave of reconciliation among Middle Eastern countries and brought a positive spillover effect.In a phone call with the Saudi leader, President Xi Jinping affirmed that China will continue to support the follow-up process of the Saudi Arabia-Iran talks.46“Xi Jinping Has a Phone call with Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, March 28, 2023, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/zxxx_662805/202303/t20230330_11051863.html.At the same time, China has also carried out shuttle diplomacy between concerned parties in several hotspot issues, including the Palestine-Israel and Syrian issues, and expressed its willingness to facilitate peace talks.47“Qin Gang Has a Phone Call with Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs Eli Cohen,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, April 17, 2023, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjb_663304/wjbz_663308/activities_663312/202304/t20230418_11061069.html.China has also frequently voiced through the UN Security Council to support and promote the Middle East peace process with concrete actions.

    Conclusion

    The People’s Republic of China has adhered to the foreign policy of partnership and non-alignment since its founding.Driven by its global partnership building, China’s circle of friends has been expanding with equal, open and cooperative partnerships all over the world.However, the acceleration of great changes unseen in a century has brought new issues and severe challenges to China’s global partnership building.In response to the changing times, China’s leaders have reset the goal and direction of building global partnerships in the new era and regard multilateralism as an ideologically ideal means to systematically govern world affairs and a good diplomatic rebuttal to address the paranoia of Western multilateralism.The shift to multilateralism in China’s global partnership building not only draws lessons from the practice of multilateral diplomacy since the PRC’s founding but also explores the theoretical path for China to lead the peaceful transformation of the world order from the perspective of the power, institutions and values that constitute the order.In its diplomatic practice, China focuses on its role as a major developing country, regards the region as the main level of global partnership building, takes emerging markets, developing countries and regional powers and organizations as the new forces of inclusive governance platforms, and regards building a community with a shared future and providing peaceful public goods as the means for implementing global cooperation initiatives.China will uphold the integrity and innovation of multilateralism and continuously enrich the material and spiritual content of its global partnerships.

    Today’s world is in a new period of upheavals and changes, and the Western-led multilateral order is being reconstructed.The logic behind China’s shift from building and optimizing the landscape of global partnerships to shaping international norms and providing public goods with a global perspective is that China is no longer a passive taker of the world order but a promoter and contributor of peaceful changes in the order.China’s position as a major developing country to promote multilateralism stems from the interaction process between China and the world multilateral system.It also reflects China’s strong desire to shape the new norms of international relations with a different view from the West.The Western-led liberal international order emphasizes the maintenance of order by military and security means, in contrast to China’s idea of promoting the reform of the international order through national development.China believes that a win-win development is the hard truth of world peace.The multilateralism advocated by China balances development and security, emphasizes a comprehensive security concept,pays attention to the interests and voices of marginalized countries under the Western-led order, and pursues balanced North-South relations.For China, “multilateralism is not a choice, but a necessity”48Wang Yi, “Working Together to Write a New Chapter of Developing Countries Seeking Strength Through Unity,” Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China, October 12, 2021, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/wjb_663304/zzjg_663340/gjs_665170/gjsxw_665172/202110/t20211012_9550733.html.for a peaceful change in the order.

    In the future, China should strive to go beyond global partnerships in three aspects in reconstructing the new order.The first is going beyond bilateral partnerships and establishing a multi-dimensional network of interests and exchanges.Bilateral diplomacy is still the main channel in practice.Many new practices of multilateralism are still at an exploratory stage and need to be translated into experience and summarized theoretically on time.Going beyond the existing bilateral partnerships,promoting theoretical development through innovative practice, supporting practical progress through theoretical enrichment, and making the cooperation network more systematic, institutionalized and functional should be the key working focus in China’s construction of future global partnerships.

    The second is going beyond the artificially constructed regional concept and innovating mechanisms and platforms for multilateral cooperation.The current regional concept is deeply rooted in the colonial rule of Western imperialism and continues to this day.It has brought constraints, conflicts and geopolitical divisions to many developing countries and does not benefit their long-term development and security.From China’s view, it should actively promote the transformation of landlocked countries into land-linked countries and strengthen the land-sea linkage within and between regions.This linkage is not only about physical connection; it also calls for countries in different geo-spaces to get free from geopolitical shackles by innovating various cooperation platforms and providing public goods.

    The third is going beyond historical prejudices and cultural barriers and opening up exchanges and mutual learning among diverse civilizations.In March 2022, then State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi was invited to attend and deliver a speech at the Foreign Ministers’ Meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the first time for an incumbent Chinese foreign minister.This opened a new path for exchanges between China and Islamic civilizations.In the speech,Wang Yi proposed that the two sides should always adhere to mutual respect, mutual trust, solidarity and mutual learning in exchanges.49“Wang Yi: China Willing to Elevate Solidarity, Friendship, Co-op with Islamic World to New Level,”March 22, 2022, http://world.people.com.cn/n1/2022/0322/c1002-32381384.html.The adherence to mutuality indicates that peaceful coexistence among civilizations must be based on mutual appreciation and support.To break the fatalistic mindset of the clash of civilizations, it is important to move into practice pluralistic and multilateral cooperation and promote the progress of human cognition.

    To summarize, facing the new era of turbulence and change, China’s global partnership building needs to liberate thinking while upholding principles.At the same time, China must actively practice multilateralism,lead the innovation of thinking and norms in international relations, and be a contributor to the peaceful transformation of the world order.

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