“《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》出版研討會(huì)”綜述

郭玉越

“《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》出版研討會(huì)”綜述

郭玉越

2017年5月1日，由山東大學(xué)文藝美學(xué)研究中心、儒學(xué)高等研究院和文學(xué)院共同主辦的“《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》出版研討會(huì)”在山東大學(xué)中心校區(qū)舉行。山東大學(xué)終身教授曾繁仁、山東大學(xué)副校長(zhǎng)胡金焱出席會(huì)議并致辭，來(lái)自國(guó)內(nèi)文藝學(xué)、美學(xué)和儒學(xué)界的三十余位專(zhuān)家學(xué)者，陳炎教授的家人和學(xué)生參加了會(huì)議。會(huì)議圍繞《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》的出版和陳炎的學(xué)術(shù)思想兩個(gè)主題進(jìn)行了研討。

《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》2016年12月由高等教育出版社出版發(fā)行，主要收錄了陳炎教授生前發(fā)表在各類(lèi)學(xué)術(shù)期刊上的176篇論文，總計(jì)160余萬(wàn)字。文集共有五卷，其中“文化哲學(xué)”兩卷，共67篇；“文藝美學(xué)”兩卷，共60篇；“文藝評(píng)論”一卷，共49篇。曾繁仁先生在致辭中指出，陳炎教授是我國(guó)著名的美學(xué)家，也是著名的文化學(xué)者，在審美文化、美學(xué)基本理論、文藝美學(xué)、中國(guó)傳統(tǒng)文化等諸多領(lǐng)域都有開(kāi)創(chuàng)性研究，有些成果帶有突破性，享有很高的學(xué)術(shù)聲譽(yù)。文集集中反映了他的學(xué)術(shù)活動(dòng)、水平、風(fēng)格、文采，凝聚了他三十多年的心血，必將留在學(xué)術(shù)史上和我們的心中。杜澤遜(山東大學(xué)儒學(xué)高等研究院教授)認(rèn)為，《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》集腋成裘，分量非常重，它不僅是一份珍貴的紀(jì)念品，更重要的是，它把陳炎教授多年的研究心得匯集在一起，方便了后世學(xué)人的查閱、學(xué)習(xí)和研究。同時(shí)，他還向參與文集編輯和出版的人員表示了敬意。鄭春(山東大學(xué)文學(xué)院教授)、王德勝(首都師范大學(xué)美育研究中心教授)在發(fā)言中提到，五卷本的《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》有著廣博的學(xué)術(shù)視野和豐富的學(xué)術(shù)涉獵，而支撐這份廣博和豐富的是陳炎教授孜孜不倦的耕耘和對(duì)學(xué)術(shù)事業(yè)的熱愛(ài)。

除了對(duì)《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》的成就和價(jià)值進(jìn)行梳理之外，與會(huì)學(xué)者還追憶了陳炎教授的學(xué)術(shù)道路，研討其學(xué)術(shù)思想。姚文放(揚(yáng)州大學(xué)文學(xué)院教授)認(rèn)為，陳炎教授的學(xué)術(shù)道路起于美學(xué)研究，興于文化研究，最終還是結(jié)于美學(xué)研究。一個(gè)學(xué)者的道路就應(yīng)該像他這樣，起于學(xué)術(shù)，興于探索，回到原點(diǎn)。這里面既是一種定位，也是一種探索，又是一種豐富，還是一種固守。周均平(山東師范大學(xué)文學(xué)院教授)總結(jié)到，陳炎教授有著強(qiáng)烈的學(xué)術(shù)使命感，對(duì)自己要求極為嚴(yán)格，有著自覺(jué)先進(jìn)的學(xué)術(shù)理念和方法，主張學(xué)問(wèn)無(wú)中西、學(xué)問(wèn)無(wú)古今、學(xué)問(wèn)無(wú)疆界、學(xué)問(wèn)無(wú)大小，倡導(dǎo)價(jià)值中立、方法多元，他解構(gòu)了我們過(guò)去長(zhǎng)期爭(zhēng)論的中西優(yōu)劣問(wèn)題、古今價(jià)值取向問(wèn)題和體用之爭(zhēng)，展現(xiàn)出宏大的學(xué)術(shù)氣象。顏炳罡(山東大學(xué)儒學(xué)高等研究院教授)指出，陳炎教授在學(xué)術(shù)研究上始終堅(jiān)持獨(dú)立之人格、民主之做派、理性之思考，是一位名副其實(shí)的知識(shí)分子。鄭杰文(山東大學(xué)儒學(xué)高等研究院教授)認(rèn)為，雖然陳炎教授生前擔(dān)任了很多行政職務(wù)，但他最鐘愛(ài)的還是學(xué)術(shù)研究，在整個(gè)學(xué)術(shù)生涯中，他心存高遠(yuǎn)之志，不取非宜之名，樂(lè)于成人之美。儀平策(山東大學(xué)文藝美學(xué)研究中心教授)認(rèn)為，陳炎教授之所以能夠取得諸多學(xué)術(shù)成就，是因?yàn)樗兄钢静挥宓膶W(xué)術(shù)信念、價(jià)值中立的學(xué)術(shù)理念和清晰明確的學(xué)術(shù)思維。王汶成(山東大學(xué)文藝美學(xué)研究中心教授)將陳炎教授的學(xué)術(shù)研究方法歸納為五點(diǎn)：一是銳意創(chuàng)新與求實(shí)求真相結(jié)合，二是理論提升與歷史反思相結(jié)合，三是以美學(xué)為本位的跨學(xué)科、跨文化研究，四是以價(jià)值中立為出發(fā)點(diǎn)的多元視角研究，五是以現(xiàn)實(shí)問(wèn)題為導(dǎo)向的理論建構(gòu)研究。王杰(浙江大學(xué)傳媒與國(guó)際文化學(xué)院教授)、楊存昌(山東師范大學(xué)文學(xué)院教授)、彭修銀(中南民族大學(xué)文學(xué)與新聞傳播學(xué)院教授)、韓德信(山東理工大學(xué)文學(xué)與新聞傳播學(xué)院教授)指出，陳炎教授不僅自己重視學(xué)術(shù)創(chuàng)新，還注意扶持后學(xué)，有教無(wú)類(lèi)，鼓勵(lì)青年學(xué)者的新觀點(diǎn)、新思路、新方法，激賞他們的新論文和新著作。程相占(山東大學(xué)文藝美學(xué)研究中心教授)通過(guò)一首七言詩(shī)來(lái)總結(jié)陳炎教授的學(xué)術(shù)思想，并寄托哀思：“如水之交三十載，一旦永訣哀自來(lái)。中西美學(xué)縱馳騁，古今儒論任剪裁。文明三型已立說(shuō)，文章千古未盡才。臨風(fēng)玉樹(shù)惡風(fēng)摧，道山何處堪寄懷？”張艷華(山東大學(xué)國(guó)際教育學(xué)院教授)追憶了青年時(shí)代的陳炎教授：在大學(xué)時(shí)代，他就非常愛(ài)讀書(shū)，而且非常愛(ài)思考，1981年，24歲的他就寫(xiě)下了這樣的文字：“也許我沒(méi)有詩(shī)人的才華，又缺乏哲學(xué)家思辨的能力，但是我希望能做一點(diǎn)事情，哪怕是一點(diǎn)點(diǎn)，只要它對(duì)人類(lèi)有益。”張艷華教授說(shuō)，在那時(shí)，陳炎教授就展示出胸懷天下的學(xué)術(shù)胸襟和求真務(wù)實(shí)、革故鼎新的學(xué)術(shù)定位，他用一生的勤奮和努力堅(jiān)守著這份學(xué)術(shù)情懷，不僅實(shí)現(xiàn)了自己的人生價(jià)值，還深刻地影響著后世學(xué)人。陳炎教授的學(xué)生也紛紛回憶起跟隨導(dǎo)師學(xué)習(xí)時(shí)的點(diǎn)點(diǎn)滴滴：對(duì)待自己的學(xué)生，他一方面非常嚴(yán)格，總是直言不諱地指出學(xué)生在學(xué)習(xí)和科研中的不足，另一方面又非常平易近人，在日常生活中對(duì)學(xué)生充滿了尊重和包容，他用自己的才華和人格吸引著學(xué)生，培育著學(xué)生，激勵(lì)著學(xué)生，影響著學(xué)生，給學(xué)生們傳遞了關(guān)于學(xué)術(shù)和科研的正能量。

“《陳炎學(xué)術(shù)文集》出版研討會(huì)”召開(kāi)于陳炎教授逝世一周年之際，與會(huì)學(xué)者在深切緬懷陳炎教授的同時(shí)，也對(duì)其學(xué)術(shù)思想進(jìn)行了全面的回顧和總結(jié)。文集的出版和研討會(huì)的召開(kāi)體現(xiàn)了當(dāng)今中國(guó)人文學(xué)術(shù)的傳承與擔(dān)當(dāng)。

[責(zé)任編輯李梅]

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WhereIsthe“PoliticalMeritocracy”Headingfor:ADiscussionwithProf.DanielA.Bell

Huang Yushun

“Meritocracy” is one of the political phenomena and political orientations under the Western modern democratic system, but Prof. Daniel A. Bell imposes it on ancient Confucianism and contemporary China and calls it “political meritocracy”. The “political meritocracy” Bell advertises is a political anti-democratic program. The theory of “political meritocracy” is full of logical contradictions, because it is now the antithing of democracy, now the supplement of democracy, or sometimes resolutely rejects democracy, sometimes desperately needs democratic mechanism as the ultimate guarantee of its legitimacy. Bell’s criticisms against democracy are the mere platitudes that are untenable, and his defenses for “political meritocracy” are the lame arguments that are specious. His presentation of so-called “China model” is not only self-contradictory, but also a determination of Chinese party and government with reactionary nature. The bull’s-eye of “political meritocracy” is not merely the thinking way of instrumental reason about democracy and thereby a blatant negation of popular sovereignty, but a road to totalitarianism in its essence.

ACriticalReviewfortheTheoryoftheSixDynastiesAristocracy:AComparativePerspective

Lin Xiaoguang

The theory of the Six Dynasties aristocratic system, put forward by Kounan Naitou one century ago, is an important doctrine of Chinese historical studies. However, some important issues of this theory, such as its influence pre-war is still in arguement. The controversy between the “tribal community,” which was developed by the third generation of Kyoutou School, and the “parasitic bureaucracy” of Yano Chikara, is not introduced enough by Chinese. The differences of concepts, ideas and vision between the “tribal community” and the classic aristocratic theory are also need critically review. On the other hand, the acceptance and criticism of this theory in the past, tend to focus on the direction of political history, but in its original meaning, cultural history, or the overall history of the age is its more promising stage. The research by Saburou Ienaga and Saukitchi Tsuda of the aristocratic culture of Japan, show its inspiration for the interpretation of the aristocratic system of China.

AcademicDiscussionintheLectureHall:LiangShuming’sTypicalModeofAcademicDiscussion

Luo Zhitian

Around the May Fourth Movement, new academic paradigm was generally formed in China,and there began to establish a whole set of “norms” from question to narration. Just in this time, Liang Shuming initiated a distinctive mode of making academic discussion in the lecture hall, which adopted the Western imported way of “public lecture” in the significance of “recreating the style of giving lecture by the Song-Ming scholars.” He understood the new way to discuss academics with the elements of persuasion and demonstration, yet tried a mode of creating a book through lecture. This mode simplified the new norms of academic demonstration because it was orally narrated, and views were often stated without argument, which actually challenged the new academic paradigm in formation. Though also having conversations with the academia, such way of expression between college and “society” did not obey the modern appeal of “l(fā)earning for the sake of learning,” and bore the heritage of moralizing people, just revealing the tension between the status and duty of literati and intellectuals in the times of transition.

HanYu’sTheoryofConfucianOrthodoxyandthePoliticalPhilosophyoftheSongNeo-Confucians

Sun Xiaochun

Han Yu is an important thinker in the philosophizing course of Confucianism after the Qin and Han Dynasties. There was an undeniable relationship between Han’s orthodoxy theory and the political philosophy of the Neo-Confucians in the Song Dynasty. His comprehension of Tao and human nature had enlightened the Neo-Confucians’ thoughts in the Song Dynasty. Yet there was some limitation in Han’s theory resulted from his lack of metaphysical thinking. Although praised Han Yu’s theory of orthodoxy somewhat, the philosophers in the Song Dynasty also made some significant amendment on it, and that was the reason why they did not recognize Han’s orthodoxy theory as the theoretical origin of Neo-Confucianism.

TheDislocationbetweenClassicalismandInnovation:

ANewDiscussionoftheControversyonSeparatedorConsolidatedSacrifice

toHeavenandEarthintheNorthernSongDynasty

Ding Jianjun, Jiang Yun

Offering sacrifice to Heaven and Earth was privilege and sacred duty of the emperors in imperial China. During the Northern Song Dynasty, reformation of ritual system as a part of the political reformation of Wang An-shi in the reign of Emperor Shenzong caused violent controversy on suburban sacrifice, focusing on that the sacrifice to Heaven and Earth should be separated or consolidated. With the changes of imperators and situation of struggle between the old and new parties in the middle and late Northern Song Dynasty, the controversy also repeated. In the process, many members of the New Party who proposed restoring classical rites and separated sacrifice, showed a conservative inclination; while many members of the Old Party who proposed consolidated sacrifice to fit the situation of the times, showed innovative spirit. In the Song Dynasty, separated sacrifice was inexecutable due to the change of time, limitation in finance, and the emperor’s press of business, and consolidated sacrifice with the emperor taking part in person every three years, became the main form of sacrifice to Heaven and Earth. The controversy on separated or consolidated sacrifice to Heaven and Earth was not only a debate on rites and academics, but also involved the party struggle, and manifested the characteristics of scholar-bureaucrat politics at that time.

TheNewSystemofGoverningGeneralsintheLateNorthernSongDynastyandItsInfluence

Yan Yongcheng

In the early and middle Northern Song Dynasty, the court insisted traditional system of “generals being governed by the emperor”, yet till the late period, the Grand Councilor and Grand Minister who dominated the reformation, as well as emperors of Shenzong, Zhezong, and Huizong, all took powerful military force and foreign military expansion as one of the basic content and primary target of the reformation. Emperor Shenzong supported Wang Anshi’s dominance of border expansion, and Wang developed a distinctive new system to govern the generals, in which the Grand Councilor and Grand Minister who dominated the reformation recommended generals of borderland, as well as guided them implementing border activities, mostly by private letters, and the military success or failure were often closely correlated with the political fate of the Grand Councilor and Grand Minister. Therefore, they were keen on the selection and military achievements of generals of borderland, and the generals could also give full play to their military capabilities under the support of the Grand Councilor and Grand Minister. The success in Xizhou was just an inevitable outcome of the new system. Later on, Zhang Dun duly followed the system in the years of Shaosheng and Yuanfu, and gained great military success, too. However, along with dominate right of reformation returned to emperors of Shenzong and Zhezong, the traditional system gradually recovered. The traditional system had shown obvious defects especially in the late reign of Emperor Huizong, and directly affected the construction of system to govern the generals in the reign of Emperor Qinzong, as well as the fall of the Northern Song Dynasty.

TheImperialExaminationSchemeoftheSouthernSongDynastyandthePoliticalExpressionofScholars:

CenteredontheCountermeasuresinthePalaceExamination

Lin Yan

There are many countermeasures in the Palace Examination of the Southern Song Dynasty remained up to now, and one can observe how the scholars at that time offered political opinions in this way and how were the effects through the documents. In terms of the consensus of scholars, whether the officials or candidates for the examination, mostly regarded taking the final imperial examination as a significant moment in their lives. They believed that with the opportunity, they should state one’s political opinion seriously before the emperor, and as their future political guidelines. Judging from the procedure for paper assessment, although the emperor would pose as encouraging blunt words seemingly, how far might the opinions be accepted was delicately related with whether the emperor’s political intention could be realized. Generally speaking, the conservative attitude of the Grand Minister Examiner would actually influence directly whether or not the blunt countermeasure could be sent to the emperor. Despite the strict style criterion of the examination, the outspoken candidates could always find the breakthrough to point out the current problems. As one distinguishing feature of the Southern Song politics, long-term administration of powerful prime ministers largely restricted the scholars to express their political opinions. During the administrations of Qin Hui, Han Tuozhou, Shi Miyuan, and Jia Sidao, the countermeasures in the Palace Examination involving criticism of current politics were rarely seen or preserved.

ATextualResearchoftheMarriageofTuobaSiandYaoXing

Chen Yong

In A.D. 415, the Northern Wei formed alliance with the Later Qin, yet they made opposite expressions on it. Both of them belittled the other side while put their own side on high, and emphasized their own legal legitimacy. After the Battle of Chaibi, Tuoba Si, Emperor Mingyuan of the Northern Wei, actively married Yao Xing’s daughter, intending to form an alignment with the Later Qin. The main background was that after the Northern Wei occupied Hebei, the Eastern Jin became its strong neighbor in the south, and the pressure from Rouran still increased. So the Northern Wei was forced to adjust its strategy, and seek to ally with the Later Qin to aviod the attack from three sides of Roura, the Eastern Jin, and the Later Qin.TheBookofWeinarrated all the alignments as tributes presented to the Northern Wei, which sometimes covered up the actual situation of the Northern Wei showing weakness or suing for peace.

PsycheandHunpo:

TheMetaphysicalUniversalitybetweenAncientGreekPhilosophyandPre-QinIdeasofChina

Kuang Zhao

There is acluster of ideas which is formed with some correlative ideas such asjing,shen,qi,hun, andpowhich are all circled the idea ofxin(heart/mind) in the pre-Qin times. Based on the main viewpoint which explain hunPo by vital force (jingqi) in the thought circle in Pre-Qin and early Han Dynasty, the cluster of ideas is regarded as showing a structure:xinis interpreted ashun-powhich could leave the body of human and be divided into two levels.Hunis related to the highest ideaTian(Heaven) of Confucianism or Dao of Daoism and is associated withyangqi, spirit (jingshen) and the advanced intellect of human. Po is related to the earth, the physical body, sensorial experience and ability of exercise of human.Pois on a relative lower level thanhun.Hunwhich is on a higher level does not belong to human essentially, but is resided in human body. It is a kind of vital force in the cosmos which is higher than and resided in the human.Poon the lower level is not fully discussed by the ancients and maybe is the driving force and cause of physiological ability of human as a living being. Compared to the explanation to the ancient Greek idea “psuché” which is made by Aristotle, it could be found that there is a similar structure of ideas in ancient Greek thought and psuché is equivalent to Xin of China. The similarity of thought between ancient China and Greece shows human hold a general viewpoint which is beyond the type of culture, when they faced the relationship between human being and the world. It is that a kind of higher universal spirituality factor determines the spiritual phenomenon of human in prior, which provides the ultimate support for the universality between different types of metaphysics.

AHistoricalInvestigationoftheEvolutionofConfucianismintheTransitionofFeudalandCounty:

AStudyofJin-GuScripturalStudiesandAncientHistoryinaViewofHistoricalMemory

Cheng Zuming

Since the 1970s, the discussion of“collective memory” has been a hot topic in international academia, but few scholars have applied it into the field of classical scriptural studies. During the later Spring and Autumn period, the two movements of social structural change took place in the opposite direction: first, a change from the society of the feudal aristocratic clan to the county system of patriarchy society; and second, with the process of patriarchy society, private servants under paternalism wholly turn into “national resident” who have a relatively equal status. Confucianism as a “wandering group” came into being in this social movement, which plays an important role in the historical memory of Confucianism. It also opens the two ideological doors of Confucian Moralization and Etiquette from the Warring States to Qin and Han empires. In the fracture, growth and reconstruction of the historical memory, the ancient history has an accumulative growth, and the history of the thought also come up a breakthrough. There formed two great Confucian systems in the early Han Dynasty, which could call them the system of “Heaven and Man” and “Heaven and Etiquette” this ancient classics “Heaven”.

FromInterpretingtheMeaningtoInterpretingtheTaste:TheSongConfucian’sWayofThinking

Gong Hua’nan

The Han Confucians put their emphasis on original appearance of the Classics, while the Wei-Jin philosophers tried to find the classical meaning. Both of the trends focused on the classic objective meaning, which might be called as “interpreting the meaning.” Confucian hermeneutics of the Song Dynasty might be called as “interpreting the taste,” which aimed to achieve one’s own spiritual life through the classic taste. From seeking Confucian Yan Hui’s enjoyment, Song Confucians consciously carried forward “interpreting the taste.” Objective meaning was belittled, and primary attention was given to classical taste, and Neo-Confucianism was established on thought of taste. The possibility of interpreting the taste” lay in the new view of the world, which reversed the Buddhist idea “emptiness”, and regarded all things as reality, as well as full of vitality and value. The new view of the world determined the new way of thinking. The ideas such as reaction, investigating physical world, and taste constituted a different style of “interpreting the taste,” which is also Song Confucian’s unique way of thinking.

郭玉越，山東大學(xué)文藝美學(xué)研究中心博士研究生(山東濟(jì)南 250100)。