Indian Diplomacy and a New Era of Sino-Indian Relations

Lan Jianxue

Indian Diplomacy and a New Era of Sino-Indian Relations

Lan Jianxue

In the 10-year period from 2004 when former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh was first elected to 2014 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi took office， India's foreign policy changed significantly and became increasingly assertive. Since 2004， both China and India have also grown considerably in national power. The Sino-Indian relationship has been comprehensively developed， and in the shifting geopolitical realities of the Asia-Pacific and around the world， India has turned into a vital country that will affect China's national security and socio-economic development in the long run. It is strongly recommended that China undertake a systematic review of the relationship and guide the bilateral relationship for the next 10-year period.

The Strategic Orientation of Indian Diplomacy

Over the past decade， India has actively created a favorable environment conducive to its strategic ascendance by taking full advantage of geopolitical antagonism regionally and globally. India's diplomacy has pursued two goals： （1） forging close relations with those countries that can help India develop quickly； and （2） playing a major role in Asia and acting as a global power rather than a regional one tied up in its own subcontinent.1See Walter Anderson， “Recent Trends in Indian Foreign Policy，” Asian Survey， Vol. 41， September 2001，p. 776.As early as in the 1990s， when the Indian National Congress （INC） ruled India， the country's foreign policy and philosophybegan to change. During the National Democratic Alliance （NDA）government （1998-2004） headed by the Bharatiya Janata Party （BJP），India made a bold shift in its foreign policy by abandoning the ideological fixation of the Nehru era， reorienting to meet the demands of new geopolitical realities.2Niranjan Sahoo， “Decoding Modi's Foreign Policy，” September 23， 2014， http：//carnegieendowment. org/2014/09/23/decoding-modi-s-foreign-policy.The principle of “India's interests first” then prevailed in India's foreign policy decision-making.

Qualitative changes in India's foreign policy occurred in the second term of the INC-led United Progressive Alliance （UPA） government（2004-2014）， especially after the BJP-dominated and Modi-led NDA assumed power in May 2014. With the inception of the “Modi era” in the Indian political arena， there have been some adjustments in the Indian foreign policy and strategy，with “dual nature” and “assertiveness”showing more prominence. The Nehru legacy in the Indian foreign policy has almost completely been dismantled. Generally speaking， the Modi diplomatic team is operating around two axes， “major-power diplomacy” and “economic diplomacy，” in an effort to“remake India.”

1. Realpolitik and pragmatism gaining luster

China-India Economic and Tourism Cooperation Forum held in Kunming， Yunnan Province， June 11， 2015. More than 300 delegates from China and India attended the forum and discussed further cooperations in the fields of toursim， investment，infrastructure construction， etc

With growing national power and global influence， India has become more confident about playing a bigger role on the world stage. This has taken on even greater importance since the Modi administration took office in New Delhi. The Modi diplomatic team stresses that Indian diplomacy needs Shanti （peace） and Shakti （power and influence）， and that diplomacy must closely serve the needs and interests of India's majorpower ambitions. It stands for the expansion of contacts with partners and draws red lines for strategic adversaries. Pragmatism coupled with a more confident assertion of Indian interests is likely to be the hallmark of India's foreign policy.3See Harsh V. Pant， “Out With Non-Alignment， In With a Modi Doctrine，” The Diplomat， November 13，2014.It does its best to prove to the world the importance of India， puts less emphasis on non-alignment in Indian diplomacy， casts away verbiage， and carries out substantive business with major countries in the world. It also steps up military deterrent capabilities， believing that only those foreign policies with strong military backing will succeed.

2. Pursuing a “neighbor first” policy

Prime Minister Modi has made “neighbors first” the cornerstone of his foreign policy. He invited all the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation （SAARC） neighbors to witness his oath taking in New Delhi.4See SD Muni， “A Disappointing SAARC Summit，” Al Jazeera， November 28， 2014.He selected Bhutan and Nepal as the destinations of his first overseas trip， dispatched a “China hand” to serve as Indian ambassador to Bhutan，stepped up infrastructure connectivity with Nepal， reached a “historic”agreement with Nepal on cross-border trade on electricity， and permitted Nepal and Bhutan to carry out trade with Bangladesh via Indian territories. India has expanded the scale of its assistance to Afghanistan， while further strengthening defense cooperation with Sri Lanka and Maldives， including capacity-building for their armed forces through both training and the supply of equipment， “in tune with the overall policy to steadily boost military ties with countries in the Indian Ocean to counter China's strategic inroads in the region”.5“With Eye on China， India to Step-up Military Ties With Sri Lanka and Maldives，” Times of India，October 20， 2014.In addition， it has actively nurtured relations with countries along the coast of the Indian Ocean， in an attempt to play the role of a “net security provider” and to create an “Indian Ocean maritime defense chain” under the leadership of India.

3. Bringing forth an ambitious “pivot to Asia” strategy

India has upgraded its Asia-Pacific strategic vision from “l(fā)ooking east”to “acting east”. At the beginning of 2014， it reached important agreements with Japan on security， maritime cooperation， trade and investment，and other areas. Its “acting east” strategy echoes Japan's “marching south” strategy. It has expanded its influence in Myanmar in areas such as economic and trade connectivity， while greatly increasing defense cooperation with Mongolia and the Republic of Korea. It has established a strategic partnership with Vietnam， getting involved in exploration activities in oil-gas fields in the disputed waters of the South China Sea. It has also actively pushed for free trade talks with ASEAN while strivingfor the development of a Ganges-Mekong Regional Economic Corridor. Furthermore， India has signed defense cooperation framework agreements with Australia and Indonesia.

4. Building up and utilizing the status of a “global balancer”

India's leadership believes that the national identity of a “global balancer” can meet the Indian appeal for interests. In this way， India will be able to achieve success one way or another and gain advantage from all sides. In diplomatic practice， India follows a hedging strategy regarding China and the United States， trying its best to avoid publicly allying itself with the United States against China while upgrading its traditional “non-alignment diplomacy”. It is noteworthy that some heavyweight pro-U.S. Indian scholars echo the United States， arguing that a“China-India axis” would tilt the balance of power against the United States， calling into question the future of its alliances with nations like Japan and the ability of the United States to lead globally.

By contrast， a U.S.-India partnership would make it more difficult for China to challenge American leadership in Asia and the world. They claim that an international order anchored by strong democracies would be fundamentally different from one led by an authoritarian superpower. They also argue that， if U.S. power and purpose appear resurgent in its“pivot to Asia”， Washington will be a more attractive partner to New Delhi，reinforcing common interests in defeating terrorism， stabilizing Asia， and growing the world economy.6Daniel Twining， “India， the Global Swing State for US and China，” Nikkei Asian Review， September 25，2014.In other words， India tends to regard itself as a “game changer”， believing its inclination to a certain camp would renderadvantages to the said camp.

5. Stepping up economic diplomacy and making it the core of its diplomatic arrangement

India's leadership is aware that national strength in the 21st century comes from all aspects of a good economy and that economic performance will become the decisive factor in the competition among all countries. It is notable that “the response of other countries to India's national security concerns is being shaped by perceptions of business and economic opportunities”.7Manmohan Singh， “A New India，” The Wall Street Journal， May 19， 2005.Since becoming prime minister， Modi has been an unabashed pioneer of trade and economic diplomacy. As he has said， “We have to put our own house in order so that the world is attracted to us.”8Dhruva Jaishankar， “Eeny， Meeny， Miney， Modi，” Foreign Policy， May 19， 2014.Modi took part in all sorts of activities to create publicity for the “Make in India” program， focusing the Indian foreign policy on supporting its economic prospects， and seeking trade routes to deepen relations with major powers that matter to India's economic revival and geopolitical rise.9Niranjan Sahoo， “Decoding Modi's Foreign Policy，” September 23， 2014， http：//carnegieendowment. org/2014/09/23/decoding-modi-s-foreign-policy.

To sum up， the shift in India's foreign policy is a response to the changing international situation and a proactive action to meet the needs of India's rise and economic development. Such core values as realpolitik，economic development， and national interests have defined the evolution of the Indian foreign policy over the past decade.

Significant Trends in the Evolution of Sino-Indian Relations

Along with the profound adjustment of the international architecture，China and India have become two important forces in the world's multipolarization process and effective forces fueling economic growth in Asia and the world at large. Sino-Indian relations have far exceeded the bilateral domain. In the adjustment of their respective foreign policies， both China and India are making great efforts to seek consensus.

1. The outdated narrative of “friend or foe” has been unable to characterize current Sino-Indian relations.

The Indian factor on China's diplomatic agenda is quite unique. China-India bilateral relations have multiple attributes. The two giant neighbors with territorial disputes are also two of the largest emerging markets. India seeks coordination and support from China on bilateral and multilateral occasions， whereas it keeps constant strategic alert in its interaction with China. India not only tries to use the United States and Japan to check China's regional and global influence， but also stresses its self-esteem and “strategic autonomy”， strongly avoiding becoming an anti-China pawn for other countries.

The Sino-Indian relationship is a complex and multi-layered one，characterized by growing cooperation and competition between the two countries. In order to make a fair assessment about today's diplomacy，where national interests and realpolitik dictate the actions of state players， no relationship that is intense enough to be called a strategic partnership could lend itself to simplistic portrayal in dichotomous terms of competition and cooperation. There will always be overlaps between competition and cooperation. A fair amount of healthy competition is notnecessarily bad and can indeed lead to more meaningful cooperation.10A fair amount of healthy competition is not necessarily bad and can indeed lead to more meaningful cooperation.

In a special address delivered at the Indian Council of World Affairs（ICWA） in September 2014， Chinese President Xi Jinping used “three partnerships” to describe future China-India relations， which were also endorsed by the Indian side. “First， China and India should be closer development partners， working together to rejuvenate our respective nations. Second， China and India should be cooperative partners to drive economic growth and join hands to rejuvenate Asia. Third， China and India should be global partners in strategic cooperation， and push forward the international order to a more fair and equitable direction.”11President Xi Jinping's special address at ICWA， September 18， 2014， www.icwa.in/pdfs/stmtdg/2014/ AddressbyXiJinping.pdf.This attests to the strategic judgment of the top leadership of China and India about the nature of the relationship and charts the right direction for the future development of bilateral relations.

2. The strategic leverage of Sino-Indian relations has weight in global geopolitics.

As the two largest countries in Asia and the developing world， as well as countries with ancient civilizations and major emerging economies，China and India have great potential for bilateral cooperation and carry growing strategic weight in the restructuring of regional forces in Asia. Clearly， Sino-Indian relations have an increased impact on the international trading system， the international financial order， the global development agenda， and regional cooperation in Asia and the Pacific. If one used to observe Sino-Indian relations by gradually shifting one's perspective from South Asia to the Asia-Pacific region at large five or six years ago， one should now shift his or her focus from the Asia-Pacific region to the world at large in analyzing Sino-Indian relations.

Just as former Indian Prime Minister Singh pointed out， “Today，both India and China are in the midst of rapid transformation. The development agenda has taken center-stage in both our societies. Our systems are different， but people in both countries are united in their aspiration for a better future. When countries of the size of China and India， together accounting for 2.5 billion people， begin to unshackle their creative energies， it impacts on the whole world.”12Manmohan Singh， “India and China in the 21st Century，” Xinhua News Agency， January 15， 2008.China-India bilateral relations are poised to play a defining role in the 21st century in Asia and indeed globally.13“Full Text： Joint Statement Between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of India，” May 20， 2015， http：//www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/2649_665393/t1265496.shtml.

Shaken up by the geopolitical upheavals across the Asia-Pacific and the world， both China and India are “rediscovering” each other， with an aim to establish a new concept of bilateral relations. This trend is on the beat of building a new type of international relations characterized by mutually beneficial cooperation and helps avoid the so-called “Thucydides trap” in the 21st century.

3. Trade and investment ties play the role of “ballast” in shoring up overall China-India relations.

Since the end of the 1990s， Sino-Indian trade and investment cooperation has been regarded as the most powerful and active supporting force in the course of reconciliation between the two countries. Under the Modi administration， India's foreign policy is likely to be a mix of nationalist-led geopolitics and expedient geo-economics. Geo-economics will play a central part in driving Sino-Indian relations. Modi is well aware that China needs the big Indian market， while India desperately seeks large Chinese investment to build transit and other infrastructure critical to its economic revival. Acrimony over borders and geopolitical rivalry in the region notwithstanding， trade will be the centerpiece of India's policy toward China.14Niranjan Sahoo， “Decoding Modi's Foreign Policy，” September 23， 2014， http：//carnegieendowment. org/2014/09/23/decoding-modi-s-foreign-policy.

Potential opportunities for cooperation abound in the field of bilateral trade. As the annual statistics of China's General Administration of Customs show， Sino-Indian trade reached $70.59 billion in 2014， up by 7.9 percent year on year. In the next five years， China will join hands with South Asian countries including India to increase two-way trade between China and South Asia to more than $150 billion. China and India are carrying out fruitful cooperation on infrastructure construction in areas such as energy and communications—projects that have become new highlights in bilateral economic and trade cooperation. It has been agreed that both sides will take necessary measures to remove impediments to bilateral trade and investment，facilitate greater market access to each other's economies， and support local governments' efforts to strengthen trade and investment exchanges， with a view to optimally exploiting present and potential complementarities in identified sectors in the Five-Year Trade and Economic Development Plan signed in September 2014， including Indian pharmaceuticals and IT services， tourism， textiles， and agro-products.15“Full Text： Joint Statement Between the People's Republic of China and the Republic of India，” May 20， 2015， http：//www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/wjdt_665385/2649_665393/t1265496.shtml.

In project contracting， India has become one of China's largest overseas markets. According to statistics， by the end of 2012， China had signed in India contracts totaling $60.131 billion， attaining a business turnover of $33.518 billion.16See “Brief Account of Sino-Indian Economic and Trade Cooperation，” Department of Asian Affairs，Ministry of Commerce of China， March 18， 2013.By June 2014， projects contracted by China in India had amounted to $63.3 billion. Given that India desperately needs to improve infrastructure， project contracting has become a flexible，applicable， and reliable mode of Sino-Indian cooperation.

In two-way investment， in order to cultivate the domestic manufacturing industry， the Indian government has in recent years gradually turned its eyes to direct investment by Chinese enterprises. The core of “Modi economics” is to attract foreign investment to develop India's manufacturing industry and improve infrastructure. Obviously it needs the support of Chinese capital and technology. According to the statistics of the Indian government， from April 2000 to May 2014， Chinese investment in India totaled $410 million， accounting for 0.18 percent of the total foreign investment in India. That was almost negligible， ranking 28th among all India's foreign investors.17The statistics do not include Hong Kong Special Administrative Region's investment in India， which amounted to $1.232 billion in the same period， ranking 15th.

During his visit to India， President Xi announced that the Chinese side would strive to invest $20 billion in Indian infrastructure and development projects in the following five years， build two industrial parks in India， take part in the upgrading of Indian railways， and consider jointly constructing high-speed railways. When taking into consideration the Indian authorities' frequent security reviews of Chinese investment in India， the new common understanding reached between the two countries on investment was obviously an important breakthrough. It showed that the Indian side had finally decided to welcome Chinese capital and technology. In the long run， such a positive change will be conducive to fostering a relatively balanced Sino-Indian trade structure and to promoting the “seamless connection” of Chinese and Indian markets.

In the field of institutionalizing trade and economic relations， the Sino-Indian strategic economic dialogue， financial dialogue， economic and trade joint group， and other consultative mechanisms are maturing. Pragmatic cooperation between the two countries is expanding from trade in goods to the manufacturing industry， trade in services， and other areas. In spite of increased frictions in Sino-Indian trade owing to the unfavorable international economic environment， the development of institutions for economic and trade cooperation between the two countries has been kepton the upward track. Bilateral trade in general has remained stable and mutual investment potential is gradually brought into play.

4. China and India make consistent efforts to tackle thorny issues in strategic and security areas.

The Wooden Barrel Theory states that the capacity of a wooden barrel is determined not by the longest wooden bar， but by the shortest one. If the overall Sino-Indian relationship is compared to a barrel， then mutual trust between the two countries is the shortest bar. Practice has proved that a low-level of mutual trust in bilateral ties and strategic suspicions were the biggest obstacles to Sino-Indian relations.

Over the past half a century， China and India， in the spirit of seeking common ground while reserving differences and taking overall interests into consideration， have frozen and controlled major differences in security and strategic affairs between the two countries and prioritized the development of cooperation in other areas. In recent years， along with the enrichment and diversification of Sino-Indian relations， the maturity of bilateral relations has been upgraded. Both sides have come to realize that substantively reducing mutual distrust and solving some thorny problems can also be an important channel to promote bilateral relations. Under direct top-level leadership， the two countries， while continuing to explore and expand the interest-converging areas by way of “addition”， actively narrowed their security differences by way of “subtraction”.

In recent years， China and India have made breakthroughs on a number of sensitive security issues. For instance， the two countries agreed on a regular exchange of visits between their defense ministries and military leaders， so as to expand pragmatic cooperation in the relevant fields， in a statement issued in September 2014. They also agreed to hold joint army training as well as navy/air force joint exercises， and strengthen cooperation in areas such as peacekeeping， counter-terrorism， naval escort，maritime security， humanitarian rescue， disaster mitigation， personnel training， and think tank communication. The two sides decided to hold amaritime cooperation dialogue to exchange views on maritime affairs and security， including anti-piracy， freedom of navigation， and cooperation between the maritime agencies of both countries. They also agreed to hold consultations on disarmament， non-proliferation， and arms control at an early date. The two sides vowed to further strengthen cooperation through the Expert-Level Mechanism on the provision of flood-season hydrological data and emergency management， and exchange views on other issues of mutual interest.18“Joint Statement Between the Republic of India and the People's Republic of China on Building a Closer Developmental Partnership，” September 19， 2014， http：//www.indianembassy.org.cn/newsDetails. aspx？NewsId=538.The above demonstrates that China and India have actively cracked hard nuts in the sensitive and complex area of security for the sake of buttressing “the shortest wooden bar” in the barrel of Sino-Indian mutual trust.

5. China and India cooperate in handling and controlling the boundary question.

The boundary question is yet another major issue in Sino-Indian relations. More often than not， this issue is utilized by external forces attempting to sabotage Sino-Indian relations. To resolve the boundary question， both sides need to maintain strategic patience， meet each other halfway， proceed gradually but surely and jointly create and accumulate all kinds of favorable conditions. Just as Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said， “The China-India boundary question is a legacy of history. We have worked on it for many years and made some progress. The dispute has been contained. At the moment， the boundary negotiation is in the process of building up small positive developments. It is like climbing a mountain.The going is tough and that is only because we are on the way up.”19“Foreign Minister Wang Yi Meets the Press，” March 8， 2015， http：//www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/ zxxx_662805/t1243662.shtml.

Moreover， the two sides formally signed the Agreement Between the Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the Republic of India on the Establishment of a Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on China-India Border Affairs in January 2012. This consultative body is composed of diplomats and military officials from both sides， led by officials at the director general level of their foreign ministries. It is mandated to handle all matters concerning peace and stability along the China-India border and study how to carry out exchanges and cooperation between military personnel and agencies of the two countries in border areas so as to serve as a proper channel and platform for enhancing information exchange and better collaboration and ensure the handling of border affairs through the diplomatic channel in a more timely and effective manner， thereby preparing good conditions for resolving the boundary question through negotiations and promoting better relations between the two countries. While the two sides still have different views on and perceptions of the Line of Actual Control， the cooperative mechanisms and institutions for the boundary issue are helpful in crisis management.

6. Cultural and people-to-people exchanges between China and India are of increasing strategic significance.

Cultural and people-to-people exchanges are an important means to foster favorable sentiment towards each other and to consolidate the foundation of the good will of the people of the two countries. Issues of“l(fā)ow politics” such as economic and trade ties， public opinions towards each other， and the quality of people-to-people exchanges are gradually gaining greater importance. Reportedly， despite strong opposition from some conservative institutions in New Delhi， the Modi administration is considering facilitating Chinese nationals' tourism and conference visas.When President Xi visited India in 2014， the two sides agreed to launch the China-India Cultural Exchange Initiative with a view to further cementing cultural and people-to-people bonds， covering key areas such as two-way tourist flows， youth exchanges， exchanges between museums and other cultural institutions of the two countries， mutual translation of classics and contemporary works， and exchanges in movies， broadcasting，and television shows.20“Joint Statement Between the Republic of India and the People's Republic of China on Building a Closer Developmental Partnership，” September 19， 2014， http：//www.indianembassy.org.cn/newsDetails. aspx？NewsId=538.

In intergovernmental documents between China and India， more and more space is devoted to clauses relating to cultural and people-topeople exchanges and cooperation conforming to the common aspirations of the people. This reflects that both sides are aware of the added value and strategic significance of cultural and people-to-people exchanges to the bilateral relationship.

Future Focuses of Upgrading Sino-Indian Relations

While China and India develop themselves and adjust their respective strategic orientations， the connotations and scope of Sino-Indian relations have greatly expanded. Along with the expansion of the capacity of bilateral relations， more and more details need to be handled by the two countries. Therefore， the two countries need to lay a solid groundwork for their growing partnership.

1. Buttressing the strategic cooperative partnership

Owing to special historical and contemporary factors， the Sino-Indian relationship must be guided by leaders with superior political wisdom and diplomatic skills. In October 2013， President Xi raised a four-point proposal on developing China-India relations， including “pushing forward China-India relations in accordance with the international general trendto enhance strategic mutual trust， in accordance with their respective development needs to deepen practical cooperation， and in accordance with the rejuvenation process of the two countries to properly manage and control differences， and combining China-India relations with the rejuvenation of Oriental civilization to expand exchanges and dialogue”.21“President Xi Jinping Meets With PM Manmohan Singh of India， Stressing to Seize Opportunities and Join Hands in Cooperation to Push Forward China-India Strategic Cooperative Partnership to a New High，”O(jiān)ctober 23， 2013， http：//www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng.In September 2014， Modi set forth the new ideas of “one mind with two bodies” and “INCH towards MILES”. “INCH” represents India and China， and “MILES” means the Millennium of Exceptional Synergy.22“PM Narendra Modi Explains India-China Ties in ‘INCH and MILES，'” Times of India， September 16， 2014.In pushing forward the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative and the construction of the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor，China and India can connect their respective development strategies and regional cooperation initiatives while promoting policy communication， road connectivity， unimpeded trade， capital flows and understanding between their peoples. Top-level planning will provide bilateral cooperation with a powerful platform and ensure that bilateral relations continue to upgrade.

2. Forging consensus for the resolution of historical issues

Tibet-related issues and the boundary issue， historical burdens left to China and India by the colonialists， have pinned down considerable energy of the two governments. To resolve issues left over by history calls for superb negotiating skills and diplomatic wisdom. The two countries need to treat and handle these issues from a strategic height. They need to have the courage for mutual concessions and the ability to guide public opinion.A positive change in the international environment is also required. The two countries need to make appropriate use of various kinds of boundaryrelated mechanisms， adopt more confidence-building measures in border areas， appropriately handle and control boundary disputes， and narrow differences. The two governments are responsible for cultivating consensus in their respective countries. Only through patient， painstaking， and peaceful negotiations will China and India be able to shape a clear-cut and friendly boundary that is recognized by the peoples of both countries.

3. Rationally handling competition and cooperation in bilateral relations

How to rationally look at the other side's growing strength and face up to competition with an open mind will be a new subject in Sino-Indian relations. In recent years， Indian high officials have stressed on different occasions that Sino-Indian relations are not a confrontational “zero-sum game”. The world is large enough and can accommodate both China and India on the rise. It is an indisputable fact that competition exists in areas of comprehensive national power and international influence between China and India； however， the two sides need to subject such competition to a benign and controllable scope. Just as former Indian Prime Minister Singh said， India and China should interact in the spirit of equality and friendship. The theory of alignment and containment is already outdated. China and India cannot be contained. The two countries should not seek mutual containment either. Cooperation can bring much more good than the presumed benefit brought about by containment.

4. Carrying out pragmatic cooperation to maximize common interests

China and India should continue to carry out the consensus already reached， step up pragmatic cooperation in all areas， and reinforce the trend of converging interests. The two countries should learn from each other in the expansion of infrastructure and exchange experiences in urbanization.They should draw on each other's strengths in manufacturing and the service industry. They should work together to cope with energy security，cooperate on food security， join hands to safeguard and develop a stable international trade system， jointly meet the challenges of climate change，and coordinate efforts to safeguard global strategic stability. China and India should promote trade and investment cooperation in parallel so as to achieve balanced development. They should start negotiations on regional trade arrangements as early as possible and strengthen cooperation on the construction of industrial parks， railways， and other infrastructure. They should promote the integration and connectivity of the two large markets of China and India， and give full play to the “ballast” role of economic and trade cooperation in stabilizing bilateral relations.

5. Building a cooperative network with multiple pillars covering major stakeholders

The exchange of high-level visits is an efficient instrument for promoting bilateral relations. The two countries need to maintain regular exchanges of visits at the highest political level and by officials at various levels. The militaries and strategic research circles of the two countries need to maintain high-quality， non-confrontational dialogues on a regular basis， reduce strategic misjudgment， and enhance strategic mutual trust. Along with their increasing interaction and the overlapping of their overseas interests， China and India need to build a communication and coordination mechanism for overseas interests. In addition， measures facilitating dialogue between academic， media， and cultural circles as well as people-to-people exchanges of the two countries are of far-reaching significance to the sustainable and healthy development of bilateral relations.

Lan Jianxue is Associate Research Fellow of China Institute of International Studies.