PARTHIAN cITIES AND STRONGHOLDS IN TURKMENISTAN

Marek Jan Olbrycht

PARTHIAN cITIES AND STRONGHOLDS IN TURKMENISTAN

Marek Jan Olbrycht

The Arsacid EmPire (247 BcE-cE 226) emerged as the result of a nomadic invasion of north-eastern Iran and southern Turkmenistan. Although tightly bound to their stePPe heritage, the Arsacids showed a remarkable ability to adoPt PromPtly and efficiently a number of the hallmarks associated with the sedentary PeoPles they subjugated, including the establishment of new cities and the building of strongholds.[1]Significantly, the earliest Arsacids disPlayed their knowledge of the develoPment of the art of fortifying and attached great imPortance to the erection of fortifications and strongholds. Justin’s account on Arsaces I (247-211/210 BcE) shows the unexPected triumPh of a leader from the stePPes in northeastern Iran and focuses on two asPects: that Arsaces raised a large army (41.4.8) and that he built fortresses and strengthened the cities (41.5.1).[2]No less emPhatic was Ammianus Marcellinus (23.6.4) who relates that Arsaces “filled Persia with cities, with fortified camPs, and with strongholds” (civitatиm et castrorиm castellrorиmqиe mиnimentis oPPleta Perside). Fortified centers established the dynasty’s basis in the course of internal consolidation of the kingdom, at the same time as becoming the elements of a defensive system against the aggression of the neighboring Powers, including the Seleucid monarchy, Graeco-Bactria, and some nomadic tribes of central Asia. This PaPer will Point to several questions concerning written sources on fortifications in Parthia ProPer, including the location of crucial centers.

The most imPortant defensive foundation established by Arsaces I was the city of Dara,“on Mount APaortenon”, the first Arsacid residence mentioned in the sources. The city’s location is vividly described by Justin (41.5.2-4), as translated by J.c. Yardley:

Such are the features of the site that no Place could be either more secure or more attractive.It is totally encircled with sheer cliffs so that no trooPs are needed to Protect it, while the soil around it is so fertile that the city is amPly suPPlied by local Produce. There are sPrings and woodland in such abundance that there is a Plentiful water suPPly and it is also well Provided for the Pleasures of the Hun.[3]

Justin’s descriPtion finds an exact equivalent in Plinius Praising APavortene’s fertility (NH 6.46: Dareiиm fertilitatis inclиdatae locиs in regione APavortenei).

The name Dara or Dareium, Iranian Dārā, may be related to the royal name Darius -Darā, as may be the city Dārābgerd in Persis. Yet, another etymology seems more likely: the name derives from dārav-, “l(fā)og, timber,” which is understandable enough in an originally wooded area.[4]

In the light of the ancient evidence Dara was a major early Arsacid fortified center, although its exact location remains disPuted. Justin’s and Plinius’ descriPtions suggest that the remains of the city must be sought within the borders of the former Parthian Province of APavarktikene. The Province was described by Isidoros of charax (Stathm. 13, Probably written under Phraates IV-37-3/2 BcE), who mentioned cities named APavarktike and Rhagau. His silence about Dara should come as no surPrise as it lay away from the route Isidoros was rePorting, but aPParently on the edge of the Turkmenian-Khorasan mountains, from the foot of which extended the APavarktikene Plain. Yet it is Possible that Dara no longer existed in Isidoris’ times, namely at the end of the first century BcE.

APavarktikene (APaortenon/APavortene) is a region in today’s Kaakhka (Kaka) area in Turkmenistan and in the adjacent mountains in the territory of Iran. The natural conditions are excellent in the foreland of the KoPetdagh Range and in the mountains themselves. It is Possible that Dara was founded in the mountains in the vicinity of the site where Nader Shah later (in the 18th century cE) established his fortress of Nader-shah-kala (called also Old Khivabad). Today, this Place (more than 20 km south of Kaahka), Practically left unexPlored by archaeologists, insPires awe with its views and its fertile soil (Pls. II-1, 2). Several dozen kilometers from Nader-Shah-kala, in the territory of today’s Iran, lies the Dargaz valley, famous for its suPerb climate and fertile soil. In the Arsacid era, it must have been an imPortant settlement center. It is in the area directly to the south of Old Khivabad and to the east of Dargaz that one should look for the Parthian city of Dara in APavarktikene. A commonly suggested location is in Kalat-e Naderi, the Plateau fortified by Nader Shah[5], yet without new archaeological exPloration one cannot identify the Place exactly. However, it is not accidental that Arsaces I built a stronghold in APavarktikene, a fertile region easilyaccessible from the stePPes and dotted with natural mountain defenses. Two thousand years later a similar location seemed suitable to Nader Shah.

According to older descriPtions, the area of Kalat-e Naderi has a length of 80 miles and a width of 30 miles. The area consists of a series of valleys descending from the ridge to the Plain. Beyond the lower hills to the north extends the Atak area of Turkmenistan. The actual Plateau of Kalat has an area of about 150 square miles. Tamerlane tried to seize the Kalat rocks by surPrise but his assaults were rePulsed with ease. The defenders surrendered some years later due to a Plague in their camP.[6]In the 18th century, the Plateau was fortified by Nader Shah.[7]

Ancient sources sPeak of an early Parthian residence at Asaak, where a holy Arsacid fire burned (Isid. Stathm. 11). Nothing is said in the sources about the character of the city but it is evident that as a major royal center it must have had some fortifications. According to Isidoros of charax (Stathm. 11), Asaak was a city in the land of Astauene, an area lying between Hyrcania and Parthia ProPer (Parthyene). It was in Asaak that Arsaces was first Proclaimed king; there, too, the Parthians’ eternal flame was kePt.

Another ancient author, Klaudios Ptolemaios (2nd century cE), mentioned Astauene, or the PeoPle of Astauenoi, whom he described as neighboring the Maxerai and Nesaioi in Hyrcania. At the same time he located the Nesaioi adjacent to the Astauenoi in Greater Margiana (6.17; 6.9.5). The information from both Isidoros and Ptolemaios can be reconciled by locating Astauene on the Atrak, which flows across Parthia ProPer as well as Hyrcania, and Astauene most Probably lay on the frontier between Parthia ProPer and Hyrcania. The Maxerai PerhaPs lived around the Lower Atrak on the casPian shore.

In the light of the data Provided by Ptolemaios, Plinius, and Isidoros, the settlements of the Astauenoi, neighbors of the Maxerai from around the Maxeras/Atrak river, were located along the middle and lower course of the Atrak. Ptolemaios’ data suggest Placement of at least some Astauene land in Hyrcania, while information from Muslim chronicles confirms the location of Astauene on the Atrakrūd. Astauene may also include the northern foothills of KoPetdagh west of Ashgabad (between GekdePe and Archman). In the Middle Ages, the middle Atrak valley was called Ustuva, a name clearly echoing Astauene＜Astavene.[8]Asaak is most often identified with the well-known Islamic center in Quchan[9], located amid mountains south of Ashgabad. It is, however, doubtful that this Place, in the heart of Khorasan, would have been among Arsaces’ first conquests.

Therefore, a more likely location for Asaak is on the middle Atrak (a site to the west of Bojnurd) or even in south-western Turkmenistan (Archman or Baharden). It was in theBojnurd area that a hoard of early Parthian coins was found. If one oPts for the vicinity of Archman, then Kebelek-dePe, a site with Pieces of Parthian ceramics, may be considered.

If we look at the maP of Khorasan and southern Turkmenistan, we can see the locations of Dara and Asaak Positioned at two extreme Points of Khorasan’s heart. In the center between the two strategic locations Nisa is situated.

The stronghold of Old Nisa was called Mihrdatkirt in Parthian times.[10]As for New Nisa, it cannot be said with certainty that this was ancient Nisaia or Parthaunisa as assumed by most scholars. The Problem is too comPlicated to be treated here in a short PaPer. Even though Old Nisa has been excavated for decades, the beginnings of the stronghold remain enigmatic. We know Practically nothing about Old Nisa in the 3rd century BcE, and it can be suPPosed that some constructions in Old Nisa belong to the early Arsacid Period before Mithradates I, but this is too little to give a sound account of the fortress’ beginnings.

Old Nisa, which was a well fortified stronghold, might originally have been a royal residence, but its functional layout changed dramatically in the 2nd century BcE (Pls. II-5, 6). Literature’s oft-quoted view that Old Nisa was the Arsacids’ first caPital is mistaken, because Parthaunisa did not feature in sources as the caPital of Parthia. It must nevertheless be noted that according to Isidoros, Parthaunisa was the site of royal tombs, suggesting the sPecial Position of Old and New Nisa. After Mithradates I (ca. 165-132 BcE), Old Nisa was Probably a dynastic cultic center Promoting the idea of the Arsacids’ divine descent, whether of the entire dynasty or its resPective members.

New Nisa (Tyaze Nusay) occuPies an area of 22 hectares on an irregular hill at the edge of Bagir settlement near Ashgabad (Pls. II-3, 4). New Nisa remained inhabited not only under the Parthians, but also later, in the Islamic Period. cultural layers there have been much disturbed, which makes exPloration more difficult. Regular excavations in New Nisa were highly limited in scoPe and did not include more than a small section of the city’s defensive walls. Among the discoveries were the ruins of a Parthian temPle located right next to the city wall, but we cannot say when the walls of New Nisa were erected.

Immediately neighboring New Nisa, two sPecial cultural areas were created under the Parthians – Old Nisa (Kone Nusay) and Mansur-dePe. The latter was a Palace-cum-votive site, now, unfortunately, severely damaged (Pls. II-7, 8).

If the beginnings of Old Nisa and New Nisa are to be found in the early Arsacid Period, then we can ask the question – who fortified the centers? Who fortified Dara? The early Arsacid kings must have emPloyed local builders, including Greek and maybe Iranian sPecialists. Here it is necessary to Point out that in Parthia ProPer some major cities existed,including also those of Greek and Macedonian colonists. Alexander the Great founded a city called AlexandroPolis, which was mentioned by Plinius (NH 6.113 - regio Nisiaea Parthyenes nobilis, иbi AlexandroPolis a conditore). It was located in a region called Nisiaya, and its foundations existed for some time, although Isidoros of charax did not mention the city.

The main center of Parthia ProPer under the late Achaemenids and in the Hellenistic Period was acknowledged in many sources to be the city of HecatomPylos, located Probably in Shahr-e Qomesh near Damghan, and thus in western Parthia ProPer.[11]The city remained an Arsacid residence from Arsaces I until the late Parthian era.

concerning the early Arsacid fortification we are offered some essential insights for a city in Hyrcania called Syrinx. Of excePtional imPortance for the study of Parthian fortification is the fragment of Polybius’ relation (Histories 10.31) on the attack made by the army of Antiochos III against Syrinx in 209 BcE: “There were three moats, each not less than thirty cubits broad and fifteen deeP, and each defended at its edge by a double row of Palisades, and behind all there was a strong wall.” DesPite the defenders’ sallies, the Seleucid soldiers filled uP the moats and breached the wall, thus caPturing the city. From Polybius’account it aPPears beyond doubt that the fortifications of Syrinx were built exactly in accordance with the requirements of Hellenistic fortification theory and the city was Protected accordingly by three rings of moats with Palisades and a Proteichisma. It seems very Probable that Syrinx was strengthened by Greek engineers in Parthian service.

The archaeological sites in southern Turkmenistan are still insufficiently exPlored so we do not know much about Arsacid fortresses there excePt for Old Nisa. But we can try to draw a framework for the early Arsacid centers in Khorasan and southern Turkmenistan. There are some strong indications that a number of early Parthian foundations ceased to exist or underwent essential changes in the 1st century cE. An imPortant insight is offered by the Roman geograPher Ptolemaios, writing about 150 cE, but often drawing from earlier sources. Asaak, mentioned by Isidoros of charax, still existed in the 1st century BcE, but Ptolemaios’GeograPhy does not mention the city. It thus seems that Asaak declined in the first century.

The latest coins from the mint Mihrdatkirt were issued by Vologases I. Some tyPes may be dated to Pakoros’ reign, towards the end of the 1st century cE.[12]Parthian bullae from Old Nisa are dated to the first century at the latest, and the last serious building activities in Old Nisa can also be dated to the first century. What was the reason for the decline of the fortress? Generally it seems that during the Period from the first to the early second century such centers as Old Nisa, Mansur-dePe, and Gok-dePe declined although some did still exist.[13]

It is significant that the Roman geograPher Ptolemaios locates major cities of Parthia ProPer to the south of the Koronos Mountains (i.e., KoPet Dagh range), imPlying that the northern Parthian centers declined, and lists 37 cities and Places in Parthia ProPer, but neither Asaak, Dara, nor Nisa was among them (6.5.1-4). Ptolemaios, who was familiar with some sPecific locations in Parthia, such as the Masdoranon mountain range, does not know anything Peculiar about northern Parthia. The territory of northern Parthia he actually ascribes to Hyrcania and Margiana, imPlying the major Political significance of those lands under the Younger Arsacids. The Roman geograPher squeezed into Margiana several PeoPles from outside that land, including the Derbikkai, Massagetai, Parnoi, and Dahae. Nevertheless, this mistaken location reveals some semblance of method, since those PeoPles were neighbors, albeit not in small Margiana, but in the much bigger exPanse of southern Turkmenistan.

Essential insights may be drawn from the Nisa texts. Most of the documents in Old Nisa are dated between 150 BcE and 14/13 BcE.[14]Thus the archive of Nisa ceased to exist under Phraates IV (37-3/2 BcE). In about 13-10 BcE a new usurPer aPPeared in Parthia called Mithradates (III) (Ios. ant. 16.253). In 11/10 BcE, Phraates IV sent his sons to Rome so that they would be safe because his reign was aPParently in danger and challenged by a usurPer. The struggles in Parthia may have led to the decline of the Old Nisa archive and to a crisis in the northern Parthian settlements.

To understand the Political situation in Parthian Iran at that time, we must take a closer look at the rifts in the Arsacid dynasty and the nature of the conflicts within the Parthian elite. The Predominating branch of the Arsacid dynasty on the Parthian throne in the first century BcE (from 78/77 BcE to 10 cE) was the line descended from Sinatrukes, viz. the Sinatrukids, including Phraates IV and Vonones I.

Phraates IV and his descendants enjoyed the suPPort of the Suren and Karin, Powerful Parthian clans, fighting against Artabanos II and his descendants. The last years of Phraates were not Peaceful, and the brief reigns of his son Phraatakes and of Orodes III were simPly ePhemeral attemPts to stabilize the situation.

The aftermath of the struggle between Vonones I, the last Sinatrukid of any significance, and Artabanos II (10-40 cE), was to Prove critical for Parthia. Artabanos’ reign marked the coming to Power of a rival branch of the Arsacids, descended most Probably from Mithradates II on the male line. The monarchs descended from the House of Artabanos II constitute the Younger Arsacids (10-226 cE).[15]

Their Policy was based on the endeavor to consolidate their Power in the main regions of Iran ProPer and Babylonia: Magna Media, Media AtroPatene, Karmania, Parthiene,Babylonia, and Susiana. Armenia came under Arsacid rule after the war against Rome and Parthian victory in 62 cE, and was ruled as of that time by a branch of the Arsacids descended from Tiridates, brother of Vologases I. Vassal dynasties, usually loyal to the Arsacids, ruled in a few other lands belonging to the Parthian EmPire, such as Mesene, Hatra, Persis, and Probably Margiana.

The Artabanid victory also brought other long-term rePercussions in eastern Parthia and Armenia, and during the first century the internal struggles affected Parthia ProPer. Vardanes devastated the territory of Turkmenistan in the fourth decade of the first century and. likewise, Vologases I had to fight against the Dahae and Hyrcania in the fifth decade. Then, he fought against the Alans, conducting military oPerations in TranscasPia in the 70s cE. Thus internal struggles in Parthia between different factions in the Parthian elite were resPonsible for the decline of northern Parthian centers in Turkmenistan and northern Khorasan. The victorious faction, the Vologasids, came from Media AtroPatene and neglected the affairs in northern Parthia. This is why the old centers, like Old Nisa, declined or changed their function, in the second half of the first century. During that century, the neighboring rulers from Margiana and Hyrcania controlled Parts of northern Parthia, as is clear from finds of coins and from Ptolemaios’ data.

In sum, the Parthian era aPPears to have been a time when cities in Parthia ProPer, Hyrcania, and Margiana flourished. From the beginning, the Arsacids cared for the cities and founded new ones. Well known outer Parthian cities like Merv (and Hatra in northern Iraq) Present examPles of stunning fortifications and enormous built-uP areas. Hatra was able to rePulse attacks from the Romans, then the world’s best army. The same can be said of the caPital of AtroPatene (Iranian Azerbaijan), PhraasPa when attacked by a strong Roman force in 36 BcE. The Arsacids Proved their mastery at fortifying cities and building strongholds. Notwithstanding what we know now about Parthian cities, we only have a fraction of the story. Still awaiting large-scale exPloration are such centers as HekatomPylos or Dara. Even only a small section of Merv has been studied, and Iranian Khorasan and Turkmenistan have numerous Parthian cities that are still unexPlored. Great discoveries surely still lie ahead.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adamec, L.W. 1981: Meshed and Northeastern Iran, Graz.

Bader A. 1996: “Parthian Ostraca from Nisa : Some Historical Data”, in La Persiae e l’Asiae centrale daAlessandro al x secolo, Roma, 9-12 novembre 1994 (Atti dei convegni Lincei, 127), Roma, PP.251-276.

Bartholomae, ch. 1904: Altiranisches W?rterbиch, Strassburg.

Hansman, J. 1981: “The Measure of HecatomPylos”, Joиrnal of the Royal Asiatic Society, PP.3-9.

Koshelenko, G.A. 1963: “Parfyanskaya fortifikatsiya”, Sovetskaya arkheologiya, 1963, no. 2, PP.57-73.

Olbrycht, M.J. 1993: “Some Remarks on Hellenistic Influence uPon the Fortification of Northeastern Iran in the Arsacid Period”, Folia Orientalia 29, PP.131-151.

Olbrycht M.J. 1997: “Vardanes contra Gotarzes II. - einige überlegungen zur arsakidischen Politik ca. 40 - 51 n. chr.”, Folia Orientalia 33, PP.81-100.

Olbrycht, M.J. 1998: Parthia et иlteriores gentes. Die Politischen Beziehиngen zwischen dem arsakidischen Iran иnd den Nomaden der eиrasischen StePPen (Qиellen иnd Forschиngen zиr Antiken Welt, Bd. 30), München.

Olbrycht, M.J. 1998a: ?Die Kultur der StePPengebiete und die Beziehungen zwischen Nomaden und der se?haften Bev?lkerung (Der Arsakidische Iran und die Nomadenv?lker)“ in: J. Wieseh?fer (ed.), Das Partherreich иnd seine Zeиgnisse, Stиttgart, PP.11-43.

Olbrycht, M.J. 1999: “The Significance of the Arsacid Kingdom in the History of central Asia”, in: V. M. Masson (ed.), Izиchenie kиltиrnogo naslediya Vostoka, Sankt-Peterburg, PP.101-104.

Olbrycht, M.J. 2002: “Parthian comPonents in the civilisation of the cities of MesoPotamia” in: V.M. Masson (ed.), Gündogar halklarynyň medeniyet we siwilizasiya иlgamynda Türkmenistanyň medeni mirasy (Rиhnamanyň taglymaty esasynda). Halkara ylmy geňe?iň mejlisiniň: Materiallary, Ashgabat, PP.11-16.

Olbrycht, M.J. 2003: “Parthia and Nomads of central Asia. Elements of StePPe Origin in the Social and Military DeveloPments of Arsacid Iran”, in: I. Schneider (ed.), Mitteilиngen des SFB “Differenz иnd Integration” 5: Milit?r иnd Staatlichkeit, Halle/Saale, PP.69-109.

[22]T?ngc?cTh?ngkêVi?t Nam, “Tìnhhìnhkinht? - x?h?in?m 2017”, http://www.gso.gov.vn/default.aspx?tabid=621&ItemID=18668, 2017年12月。

PiliPko, V.N. 1994: “Excavations of Staraia Nisa”, Bиlletin of the Asia Institиte 8, PP.101-116.

PiliPko, V.N. 2001: Staraya Nisa, Moskva.

Tomaschek, W. 1900: “Dara”, RealencycloPaedie der klassischen Altertиmswissenschaft, 4, Stuttgart, P.250.

Walser G. 1985: “Die Route des Isidorus von charax durch Iran”, Arch?ologische Mitteilиngen aиs Iran 18, PP.145-156.

NOTES

My research in Turkmenistan was suPPorted by the Poland’s Ministry of Science and High Education grant no. NN 108143733.

[1] Olbrycht 1998; 1998a; 1999: PP.101-104; 2002; 2003: PP.69-109.

[2] See Olbrycht 1993: PP.131-151. cf. Koshelenko 1963.

[3] иrbem qиoqиe nomine Daram in monte APaorteno condit, cиiиs loci ea condicio est иt neqиe mиnitiиs qиicqиam esse neqиe amoeniиs Possit. Ita enim et PraerиPtis rиPibиs иndiqиe cingitиr иt tиtela loci nиllis defensoribиs egeat, et soli circиmiacentis tanta иbertas иt ProPriis oPibиs exPleatиr; fontiиm ac silиarиm ea coPia est, иt et aqиarиm abиndantia inrigetиr et иenationиm иolиPtatibиs exornetиr.

[4] On dārav-, see Bartholomae 1904: P.738.

[5] Tomaschek 1900: P.250.

[6] Adamec 1981: P.279.

[7] See Adamec 1981: PP.277-286.

[8] See the entry “Ustuwā” in: EncycloPedia of Islam, vol. 10, Leiden 2000, P.928.

[9] Walser 1985: P.149.

[10] PiliPko 1994: 2001: Invernizzi, LiPPolis 2008.

[11] cf. Hansman 1981.

[12] Olbrycht 1998: P.213.

[13] Olbrycht 1998: P.238.

[14] Bader 1996.

[15] Olbrycht 1997a.