The Most Wanted Man in the World

James+Bamford

2013年6月，美國(guó)國(guó)家安全局前雇員愛(ài)德華·斯諾登向媒體披露了包括“棱鏡（PRISM）”計(jì)劃在內(nèi)的多個(gè)秘密監(jiān)控項(xiàng)目，制造了美國(guó)情報(bào)史上規(guī)模最大的泄密事件，并自此成為美國(guó)在全世界的追捕對(duì)象。在此之前，斯諾登有一份令人羨慕的高薪工作，時(shí)常和女友去世界各地旅行……但如今，他再也無(wú)法回到過(guò)去，過(guò)無(wú)憂無(wú)慮的生活。斯諾登為何要同美國(guó)政府對(duì)著干？這背后的動(dòng)機(jī)何在？是什么讓他放棄個(gè)人幸福做出如此艱難的抉擇？他不顧生命危險(xiǎn)捍衛(wèi)的究竟是什么？前不久，斯諾登在媒體上頻繁“露面”，這再一次激起人們心中對(duì)這個(gè)世界頭號(hào)“通緝犯”的種種疑問(wèn)……

The message arrives on my “clean machine，” a MacBook Air loaded only with a sophisticated encryption package. “Change in plans，” my contact says. “Be in the lobby of the Hotel ______ by 1 pm. Bring a book and wait for ES to find you.” ES is Edward Snowden， the most wanted man in the world. For almost nine months， I have been trying to set up an interview with him. Among other things， I want to answer a burning question： What drove Snowden to leak hundreds of thousands of top-secret documents， revelations that have laid bare1） the vast scope of the governments domestic surveillance programs？ In May I received an email from his lawyer， ACLU2） attorney Ben Wizner， confirming that Snowden would meet me in Moscow and let me hang out and chat with him for what turned out to be three solid days over several weeks.

Postmodern Whistle-blower

Edward Snowden is a uniquely postmodern breed of whistle-blower. Physically， very few people have seen him since he disappeared into Moscows airport complex last June. But he has nevertheless maintained a presence on the world stage—not only as a man without a country but as a man without a body. When being interviewed at the South by Southwest conference3） or receiving humanitarian awards， his disembodied4） image smiles down from jumbotron5） screens. For an interview at the TED conference in March， he went a step further—a small screen bearing a live image of his face was placed on two leg-like poles attached vertically to remotely controlled wheels， giving him the ability to “walk” around the event， talk to people， and even pose for selfies with them.

Of course， Snowden is still very cautious about arranging face-to-face meetings. I do my best to avoid being followed as I head to the designated hotel for the interview. I take a seat in the lobby facing the front door and open the book I was instructed to bring. Just past one， Snowden walks by， dressed in dark jeans and a brown sport coat and carrying a large black backpack over his right shoulder. He doesnt see me until I stand up and walk beside him. “Where were you？” he asks. “I missed you.” I point to my seat. “And you were with the CIA？” I tease. He laughs.

Entering the room he has booked for our interview， he throws his backpack on the bed alongside his baseball cap and a pair of dark sunglasses. He looks thin， almost gaunt6）， with a narrow face and a faint shadow of a goatee， as if he had just started growing it yesterday. He has on his trademark Burberry eyeglasses， semi-rimless with rectangular lenses. His pale blue shirt seems to be at least a size too big， his wide belt is pulled tight， and he is wearing a pair of black square-toed7） Calvin Klein loafers8）. Overall， he has the look of an earnest first-year grad student.

Despite being the subject of a worldwide manhunt， Snowden seems relaxed and upbeat as we drink Cokes and tear away at a giant room-service pepperoni9） pizza. His 31st birthday is a few days away. Snowden still holds out hope that he will someday be allowed to return to the US. “I told the government Id volunteer for prison， as long as it served the right purpose，” he says. “I care more about the country than what happens to me. But we cant allow the law to become a political weapon or agree to scare people away from standing up for their rights， no matter how good the deal is. Im not going to be part of that.”

The same day I share pizza with Snowden in a Moscow hotel room， the US House of Representatives moves to put the brakes on the NSA. By a lopsided10） 293-to-123 tally11）， members vote to halt the agencys practice of conducting warrantless searches of a vast database that contains millions of Americans emails and phone calls. Its one of many proposed reforms that never would have happened had it not been for Snowden.

A Disillusioned Idealist

Snowden keeps close tabs on12） his evolving public profile， but he has been resistant to talking about himself. In part， this is because of his natural shyness and his reluctance about “dragging family into it and getting a biography.” He says he worries that sharing personal details will make him look narcissistic and arrogant. But mostly hes concerned that he may inadvertently detract from the cause he has risked his life to promote. “Im an engineer， not a politician，” he says. “I dont want the stage. Im terrified of giving these talking heads13） some distraction， some excuse to jeopardize， smear， and delegitimize a very important movement.”

But when Snowden finally agrees to discuss his personal life， the portrait that emerges is not one of a wild-eyed14） firebrand15） but of a solemn， sincere idealist who—step by step over a period of years—grew disillusioned with his country and government.

Born on June 21， 1983， Snowden grew up in the Maryland suburbs， not far from the NSAs headquarters. “Everybody in my family has worked for the federal government in one way or another，” Snowden says. “I expected to pursue the same path.” His father told me， “We always considered Ed the smartest one in the family.” It didnt surprise him when his son scored above 145 on two separate IQ tests.

Rather than spending hours watching television or playing sports as a kid， Snowden fell in love with books， especially Greek mythology. Snowden says reading about myths played an important role growing up， providing him with a framework for confronting challenges， including moral dilemmas. “I think thats when I started thinking about how we identify problems， and that the measure of an individual is how they address and confront those problems，” he says.

Hed loved computers since he was a child， but now that passion deepened. He started working for a classmate who ran his own tech business. Coincidentally， the company was run from a house at Fort Meade， where the NSAs headquarters are located.

Snowden was on his way to the office when the 9/11 attacks took place. Like a lot of civic-minded Americans， Snowden was profoundly affected by the attacks. In the spring of 2004， as the ground war in Iraq was heating up with the first battle of Fallujah， he volunteered for the Army special forces. “I was very open to the governments explanation—almost propaganda—when it came to things like Iraq，” he says. “I still very strongly believed that the government wouldnt lie to us， that our government had noble intent， and that the war in Iraq was going to be what they said it was， which was a limited， targeted effort to free the oppressed. I wanted to do my part.”

Out of the Army， Snowden landed a job as a security guard at a top-secret facility that required him to get a high-level security clearance16）. He passed a polygraph17） exam and the stringent background check and， almost without realizing it， he found himself on his way to a career in the clandestine18） world of intelligence. After attending a job fair focused on intelligence agencies， he was offered a position at the CIA.

In 2010， Snowden had shifted from the CIA to the NSA， accepting a job as a technical expert. Among the discoveries that most shocked him was learning that the agency was regularly passing raw private communications—content as well as metadata—to Israeli intelligence. In this case， the NSA did virtually nothing to protect even the communications of people in the US. “I think thats amazing，” Snowden says. “Its one of the biggest abuses weve seen.”

The last straw for Snowden was a secret program he discovered while getting up to speed19） on the capabilities of the NSAs enormous and highly secret data storage facility—the Mission Data Repository in Bluffdale， Utah. Billions of phone calls， faxes， emails， computer-to-computer data transfers， and text messages from around the world flow through the MDR every hour. Some flow right through， some are kept briefly， and some are held forever.

The massive surveillance effort was bad enough， but Snowden was even more disturbed to discover a new cyberwarfare program in the works， codenamed MonsterMind. Snowden views MonsterMind as the ultimate threat to privacy because， in order for the system to work， the NSA first would have to secretly get access to virtually all private communications coming in from overseas to people in the US.

Given the NSAs new data storage mausoleum20） in Bluffdale and the charge to conduct surveillance on all incoming communications， Snowden believed he had no choice but to take his thumb drives21） and tell the world what he knew. The only question was when.

At the same time， he knew there would be dire consequences. “Its really hard to take that step—not only do I believe in something， I believe in it enough that Im willing to set my own life on fire and burn it to the ground.” But he felt that he had no choice. Two months later he boarded a flight to Hong Kong with a pocket full of thumb drives.

The Leakers Concern

More than anything， Snowden fears a blunder that will destroy all the progress toward reforms for which he has sacrificed so much. “Im not self-destructive. I dont want to self-immolate and erase myself from the pages of history. But if we dont take chances， we cant win，” he says. And so he takes great pains to stay one step ahead of his presumed pursuers—he switches computers and email accounts constantly. Nevertheless， he knows hes liable to be compromised22） eventually： “Im going to slip up23） and theyre going to hack me. Its going to happen.”

Another concern for Snowden is what he calls NSA fatigue—the public becoming numb to disclosures of mass surveillance， just as it becomes inured24） to news of battle deaths during a war. “One death is a tragedy， and a million is a statistic，” he says.

In the end， Snowden thinks we should put our faith in technology—not politicians. “We have the means and we have the technology to end mass surveillance without any legislative action at all， without any policy changes.” The answer， he says， is robust encryption. “By basically adopting changes like making encryption a universal standard—where all communications are encrypted by default—we can end mass surveillance not just in the United States but around the world.”

Until then， Snowden says， the revelations will keep coming. “We havent seen the end，” he says. Indeed， a couple of weeks after our meeting， The Washington Post reported that the NSAs surveillance program had captured much more data on innocent Americans than on its intended foreign targets. There are still hundreds of thousands of pages of secret documents out there—to say nothing of the other whistle-blowers he may have already inspired. But Snowden says that information contained in any future leaks is almost beside the point25）. “The question for us is not what new story will come out next. The question is， what are we going to do about it？”

一條信息出現(xiàn)在了我的蘋果MacBook Air筆記本電腦上，這臺(tái)電腦很“干凈”，只裝有一套精密的加密程序包?！坝?jì)劃有變，”我的聯(lián)系人說(shuō)，“請(qǐng)于下午一點(diǎn)前到達(dá)XX酒店大廳。拿上一本書，等著ES去找你。”ES就是愛(ài)德華·斯諾登，世界頭號(hào)“通緝犯”。在將近九個(gè)月的時(shí)間里，我一直試圖安排一次對(duì)他的采訪。在各式各樣的疑問(wèn)中，我想要解答一個(gè)十分緊要的問(wèn)題：到底是什么促使斯諾登泄露了數(shù)十萬(wàn)份絕密文件，使美國(guó)政府大范圍的國(guó)內(nèi)監(jiān)控項(xiàng)目曝光？今年5月，我收到他的律師——美國(guó)公民自由協(xié)會(huì)律師本·威茨納——發(fā)來(lái)的一封電郵，確認(rèn)斯諾登將會(huì)在莫斯科與我會(huì)面，并將在會(huì)面后的幾周里抽出時(shí)間與我一起閑逛、聊天，結(jié)果他抽出了整整三天的時(shí)間。

后現(xiàn)代的揭秘者

愛(ài)德華·斯諾登是個(gè)獨(dú)一無(wú)二的后現(xiàn)代型揭秘者。自去年6月他在莫斯科機(jī)場(chǎng)大樓消失以來(lái)，很少有人見(jiàn)過(guò)他本人。但他卻從沒(méi)離開(kāi)過(guò)世界舞臺(tái)—— 一個(gè)既沒(méi)有國(guó)家，又從不暴露真身的人。當(dāng)他在西南偏南大會(huì)接受采訪或是領(lǐng)取各種人道主義獎(jiǎng)時(shí)，他那脫離了真實(shí)軀體的影像會(huì)從巨大的電子屏幕上朝下邊微笑。在今年3月舉行的TED大會(huì)上接受采訪時(shí)，他又更進(jìn)一步：一面展示他實(shí)時(shí)面部影像的小型屏幕被安在兩根像腿一樣的支桿上，這兩根支桿又被豎著連接在遠(yuǎn)程遙控的輪子上，這樣他就能在會(huì)場(chǎng)上四處“走動(dòng)”，與人交談，甚至擺姿勢(shì)和人們自拍。

當(dāng)然，斯諾登對(duì)于面對(duì)面會(huì)見(jiàn)的安排還是十分謹(jǐn)慎的。在前往指定酒店進(jìn)行采訪時(shí)，我盡一切努力避免被人跟蹤。我在大廳里找了個(gè)面朝正門的位子坐了下來(lái)，然后打開(kāi)那本被要求攜帶的書。一點(diǎn)剛過(guò)，斯諾登就從我身旁走了過(guò)去。他穿著一條深色牛仔褲，一件棕色運(yùn)動(dòng)上衣，右肩上挎著一只大號(hào)的黑色雙肩包。他沒(méi)有看到我，我只好站起來(lái)，走到他身邊?！澳銊偛旁谀膬?？”他問(wèn)道，“我沒(méi)有看到你。”我指了指我的位子。“你剛剛是和中情局的人在一起嗎？”我打趣說(shuō)。他大笑起來(lái)。

走進(jìn)他為我們這次采訪預(yù)訂的房間后，斯諾登將背包扔到床上，和他的棒球帽以及一副深色太陽(yáng)鏡放在一起。他看起來(lái)很瘦，幾乎到了瘦削的程度，狹長(zhǎng)的臉上留著一抹淡淡的山羊胡，仿佛是昨天才剛開(kāi)始長(zhǎng)出的一樣。他戴著他那標(biāo)志性的博柏利牌眼鏡，半邊框的鏡框上鑲著長(zhǎng)方形的鏡片。他那淡藍(lán)色的襯衣看起來(lái)至少要大一號(hào)，寬大的腰帶扎得很緊，腳上穿著一雙黑色方頭的CK平底鞋?？傊?，他看起來(lái)就像個(gè)真誠(chéng)的一年級(jí)研究生。

盡管斯諾登是全球追捕的目標(biāo)，但在我們邊喝可樂(lè)邊扯著酒店客房服務(wù)送來(lái)的一張巨大的意式辣味香腸比薩大快朵頤時(shí)，他似乎既放松又樂(lè)觀。再過(guò)幾天就是他31歲的生日了。斯諾登仍然希望有朝一日他能被允許重返美國(guó)。“我和政府說(shuō)過(guò)我愿意坐牢，只要這樣做有一個(gè)正當(dāng)?shù)睦碛桑彼f(shuō)，“與個(gè)人遭遇相比，我更關(guān)心這個(gè)國(guó)家。但我們不能讓法律成為政治的武器，也無(wú)法容許有人恐嚇民眾，使他們不敢維護(hù)自己的權(quán)利，不管這交易有多么誘人。這樣的事我決不會(huì)參與?！?/p>

就在我和斯諾登在莫斯科一家酒店房間里分享比薩的那天，美國(guó)眾議院提出動(dòng)議，要遏制美國(guó)國(guó)家安全局的行動(dòng)。國(guó)安局在未經(jīng)許可的情況下即可對(duì)一個(gè)包含數(shù)百萬(wàn)美國(guó)人電子郵件和通話記錄的龐大數(shù)據(jù)庫(kù)進(jìn)行搜索。通過(guò)投票，議員們以293比123的壓倒性票數(shù)終止了國(guó)安局的這一行為。這只是斯諾登促成的為數(shù)眾多的改革議案之一，要不是斯諾登，這樣的改革永遠(yuǎn)不會(huì)發(fā)生。

幻滅的理想主義者

斯諾登密切關(guān)注自己公眾形象的變化，但他一直不愿意談?wù)撟约骸＞科湓?，部分是因?yàn)樗造t腆且不愿“將家人牽扯進(jìn)去，并被人寫成傳記?！彼f(shuō)他擔(dān)心公開(kāi)自己的個(gè)人詳細(xì)信息會(huì)使他看起來(lái)自戀而傲慢。但更主要的原因是他擔(dān)心這會(huì)在無(wú)意中分散人們的注意力，使人們不再關(guān)注他冒著生命危險(xiǎn)去推動(dòng)的事業(yè)?！拔沂枪こ處?，而不是政客，”他說(shuō)，“我不想要舞臺(tái)。我害怕我會(huì)轉(zhuǎn)移那些評(píng)論員的注意力，給他們一些借口去破壞、抹黑這樣一個(gè)非常重要的運(yùn)動(dòng)，并否認(rèn)其正當(dāng)性?！?/p>

但當(dāng)斯諾登最終同意談?wù)撍膫€(gè)人生活時(shí)，他所展示出的形象并不是一個(gè)極端、狂熱的煽動(dòng)分子，而是一個(gè)嚴(yán)肅、真誠(chéng)的理想主義者。在過(guò)去的幾年中，這個(gè)理想主義者對(duì)自己的國(guó)家和政府逐漸感到幻滅。

斯諾登出生于1983年6月21日，在馬里蘭州的郊區(qū)長(zhǎng)大，那里離國(guó)家安全局總部不遠(yuǎn)。“我們家每個(gè)人都曾以這樣或那樣的方式為聯(lián)邦政府工作過(guò)，”斯諾登說(shuō)，“我也想走同樣的道路?！彼怪Z登的父親曾對(duì)我說(shuō)過(guò)：“我們總覺(jué)得愛(ài)德（譯注：斯諾登的昵稱）是我們家最聰明的人?！碑?dāng)斯諾登在兩次不同的智商測(cè)試中都取得了145分以上的成績(jī)時(shí)，他的父親并未感到驚訝。

小時(shí)候，斯諾登并沒(méi)有把大量時(shí)間花在看電視或體育運(yùn)動(dòng)上，而是愛(ài)上了讀書，尤其是希臘神話。斯諾登說(shuō)閱讀神話在他的成長(zhǎng)過(guò)程中起到了重要的作用，為他提供了一個(gè)應(yīng)對(duì)挑戰(zhàn)的框架，這些挑戰(zhàn)也包括道德困境?！拔矣X(jué)得我就是從那時(shí)開(kāi)始思考我們?cè)撊绾伟l(fā)現(xiàn)問(wèn)題的。也是從那時(shí)起我開(kāi)始意識(shí)到，衡量一個(gè)人的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)就在于看其如何解決和應(yīng)對(duì)這些問(wèn)題?！彼f(shuō)。

他從小就喜愛(ài)電腦，但現(xiàn)在這種喜愛(ài)更加深了。他開(kāi)始在一個(gè)同學(xué)那里工作，這位同學(xué)經(jīng)營(yíng)著自己的技術(shù)公司。巧合的是，這家公司的辦公地點(diǎn)就在米德堡，也就是國(guó)家安全局總部的所在地。

9·11襲擊事件發(fā)生時(shí)，斯諾登正在上班的路上。和許多有公民意識(shí)的美國(guó)人一樣，斯諾登也深受襲擊事件的影響。2004年春，當(dāng)伊拉克的地面戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)隨第一次費(fèi)盧杰戰(zhàn)役的打響而逐漸升溫時(shí)，斯諾登志愿加入了美國(guó)陸軍特種部隊(duì)。“以前但凡涉及像伊拉克這樣的問(wèn)題，我都非常樂(lè)于聽(tīng)信政府的解釋——雖然這種解釋幾乎就是宣傳，”他說(shuō)，“那時(shí)我仍然堅(jiān)信政府不會(huì)對(duì)我們?nèi)鲋e，堅(jiān)信我們的政府懷有高尚的目的，堅(jiān)信伊拉克戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)將會(huì)像他們所說(shuō)的那樣，是一場(chǎng)有限的、有特定打擊目標(biāo)的、解放被壓迫者的戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)。我想盡自己的一份力量。”

從部隊(duì)退役后，斯諾登在一家絕密級(jí)的機(jī)構(gòu)找到了一份保安員的工作，這家機(jī)構(gòu)要求他必須獲得高級(jí)別的安全許可方可上崗。他通過(guò)了測(cè)謊試驗(yàn)以及嚴(yán)格的背景調(diào)查，幾乎是在自己都沒(méi)意識(shí)到的情況下，他發(fā)現(xiàn)自己踏上了通往秘密情報(bào)世界的職業(yè)旅程。在參加了一場(chǎng)以情報(bào)機(jī)構(gòu)為主的招聘會(huì)后，斯諾登在中央情報(bào)局謀得了一份工作。

2010年，斯諾登從中情局調(diào)往國(guó)安局，擔(dān)任技術(shù)專家。在那里他有了許多令他非常震驚的發(fā)現(xiàn)，其中之一就是他得知國(guó)安局會(huì)將原始的私人通訊記錄——包括通訊內(nèi)容及元數(shù)據(jù)——定期傳給以色列的情報(bào)機(jī)構(gòu)。在這種情況下，國(guó)安局其實(shí)沒(méi)有采取任何保護(hù)措施，甚至連美國(guó)人的通訊記錄也得不到保護(hù)?！拔艺J(rèn)為這太不可思議了，”斯諾登說(shuō)，“這是我們所見(jiàn)過(guò)的最嚴(yán)重的職權(quán)濫用?！?/p>

讓斯諾登最終無(wú)法容忍的是他所發(fā)現(xiàn)的一個(gè)秘密項(xiàng)目。那是他在了解國(guó)安局高度機(jī)密的大型數(shù)據(jù)存儲(chǔ)設(shè)備——位于猶他州布拉夫代爾的“任務(wù)數(shù)據(jù)存儲(chǔ)庫(kù)”——的處理能力時(shí)所發(fā)現(xiàn)的。每個(gè)小時(shí)，都有數(shù)以億計(jì)的來(lái)自世界各地的電話、傳真、電子郵件、電腦間的數(shù)據(jù)傳輸以及手機(jī)短信從這臺(tái)“任務(wù)數(shù)據(jù)存儲(chǔ)庫(kù)”中流過(guò)。有些數(shù)據(jù)直接流了過(guò)去，有些被短暫保存，有些則被永久保留下來(lái)。

這種大規(guī)模的監(jiān)控行為已經(jīng)夠離譜的了，但更令斯諾登感到不安的是他在這一設(shè)施中又發(fā)現(xiàn)了一個(gè)代號(hào)為“怪獸大腦”的新的網(wǎng)絡(luò)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)計(jì)劃。斯諾登認(rèn)為“怪獸大腦”是對(duì)人類隱私的終極威脅，因?yàn)橐惯@一系統(tǒng)正常運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)，國(guó)安局就必須先秘密地獲取從海外發(fā)給美國(guó)公民的幾乎所有私人通訊內(nèi)容。

鑒于國(guó)安局位于布拉夫代爾的這一新型數(shù)據(jù)存儲(chǔ)設(shè)施，以及要對(duì)所有進(jìn)入美國(guó)的通信內(nèi)容進(jìn)行監(jiān)控的任務(wù)，斯諾登認(rèn)為自己別無(wú)選擇，只能拿上手里的U盤，將他所知道的一切公之于眾。唯一的問(wèn)題是：何時(shí)采取行動(dòng)。

與此同時(shí)，他深知這樣做會(huì)帶來(lái)嚴(yán)重的后果?！白叱鲞@一步真的很難——不僅因?yàn)槲矣行叛觯€因?yàn)槲业男叛鲎阋允刮以敢庖馃?，哪怕化為灰燼。”但他覺(jué)得自己別無(wú)選擇。兩個(gè)月之后，斯諾登在口袋里裝滿了U盤，登上了一架飛往香港的班機(jī)。

泄密者的憂慮

在所有事情中，斯諾登最擔(dān)心的是，一次嚴(yán)重的失誤就會(huì)令為爭(zhēng)取改革而取得的所有進(jìn)步都?xì)в谝坏?，而為了這些改革，他已做出如此巨大的犧牲。他說(shuō)：“我并非是在自我毀滅。我不想把自己作為祭品獻(xiàn)出去并將自己從歷史的篇章中抹去。但如果我們不去冒險(xiǎn)，就無(wú)法取得勝利?！币虼?，他費(fèi)盡心思，要比他所設(shè)想的那些追蹤者快上一步——他不停地更換電腦和電郵賬戶。然而他知道，他最終很有可能會(huì)陷入危險(xiǎn)之中。“我總會(huì)有疏忽大意的時(shí)候，那他們就能通過(guò)黑客手段找到我。這是遲早的事。”

斯諾登的另一個(gè)憂慮是他所謂的“國(guó)安局疲勞癥”——公眾對(duì)大規(guī)模監(jiān)控行為的披露漸漸感到麻木，就像在戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)期間習(xí)慣了對(duì)戰(zhàn)斗死亡的報(bào)道一樣?！耙粋€(gè)人的死亡是悲劇，而一百萬(wàn)人的死亡則是數(shù)據(jù)?！彼f(shuō)。

最后，斯諾登認(rèn)為我們應(yīng)該相信技術(shù)，而不是政客。“我們有各種手段和技術(shù)來(lái)終止大規(guī)模的監(jiān)控行為，而無(wú)需任何立法行為，也無(wú)需任何政策上的改變?！彼f(shuō)，問(wèn)題的答案就在于使用強(qiáng)大的加密技術(shù)?！耙獜母旧线M(jìn)行改變，比如讓加密成為一種通用的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)——所有的通訊內(nèi)容都要默認(rèn)加密——那么我們不僅能終止美國(guó)的大規(guī)模監(jiān)控行為，在世界范圍內(nèi)都將如此?！?/p>

在實(shí)現(xiàn)這一步之前，斯諾登說(shuō)，泄密事件還是會(huì)不斷發(fā)生?！拔覀冞€沒(méi)有看到結(jié)束的跡象?！彼f(shuō)。的確，就在我們見(jiàn)完面的幾周后，《華盛頓郵報(bào)》就報(bào)道說(shuō)國(guó)安局的監(jiān)控計(jì)劃所捕獲的無(wú)辜美國(guó)人的數(shù)據(jù)要遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)多于其所針對(duì)的外國(guó)目標(biāo)的數(shù)據(jù)。那里仍有成千上萬(wàn)頁(yè)的秘密文件在等待披露——更何況還可能會(huì)有其他已經(jīng)受到斯諾登啟發(fā)的揭秘者。但斯諾登說(shuō)，將來(lái)的所有泄密事件會(huì)披露什么樣的信息幾乎無(wú)關(guān)緊要?！皩?duì)我們來(lái)說(shuō)，問(wèn)題不在于還會(huì)有什么新的真相被揭露出來(lái)。問(wèn)題在于，對(duì)此我們將做些什么？”

1. lay bare：揭露;揭發(fā);使暴露

2. ACLU：American Civil Liberties Union的縮寫，美國(guó)公民自由協(xié)會(huì)

3. South by Southwest conference：指西南偏南大會(huì)（簡(jiǎn)稱SXSW大會(huì)），是每年在美國(guó)得克薩斯州奧斯汀舉行的一系列電影、交互式多媒體和音樂(lè)的藝術(shù)節(jié)與大會(huì)。

4. disembodied [?d?s?m?b?did] adj. 似脫離人而存在的;無(wú)實(shí)體的

5. jumbotron [?d??mb??tr?n] n. （電視機(jī)的）超大屏幕

6. gaunt [ɡ??nt] adj. 瘦削的

7. square-toed：方頭鞋的

8. loafer [?l??f?（r）] n. 平底便鞋

9. pepperoni [?pep??r??ni] n. （常放在比薩餅中的）意大利辣味香腸

10. lopsided [?l?p?sa?d?d] adj. 懸殊的;嚴(yán)重不平衡的

11. tally [?t?li] n. 計(jì)數(shù);比分

12. keep tabs on：密切注意，嚴(yán)密監(jiān)視

13. talking head：（在電視討論或訪談節(jié)目中的）專家，權(quán)威的評(píng)論家

14. wild-eyed：極端而狂熱的

15. firebrand [?fa??（r）?br?nd] n. （總是煽動(dòng)事端的）狂熱分子;（尤指）政治煽動(dòng)者

16. clearance [?kl??r?ns] n. （官方的）批準(zhǔn)，許可

17. polygraph [?p?li?ɡrɑ?f] n. 測(cè)謊（試驗(yàn)）

18. clandestine [kl?n?dest?n] adj. 暗地里的，秘密的

19. up to speed：了解情況的;掌握最新信息的

20. mausoleum [?m??s??li??m] n. 大而陰森的建筑物;陰冷的大房間

21. thumb drive：拇指驅(qū)動(dòng)器，U盤

22. compromise [?k?mpr?ma?z] vt. 連累;危及

23. slip up：出小差錯(cuò)

24. inured [??nj??（r）d] adj. 對(duì)（令人不快的事物）司空見(jiàn)慣的;習(xí)慣于……的

25. beside the point：不相關(guān)的