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    英文摘要

    2014-11-14 21:28:43
    國際展望 2014年6期
    關(guān)鍵詞:英文

    Abstracts

    Inclusive and Symbiotic “Shanghai School” of IR Theory

    ZHANG Chun, YU Hongyuan, ZHANG Jian, and ZHOU Shixin

    Corresponding to the material rise of China, the pursuit of ideological rise of China is also put on the national agenda, which comprises the construction of international relations theory with Chinese characteristics. Thanks to historical and practical reasons, the Shanghai-grown IR theoretical research, having gone through two stages, namely, introducing Western IR theories and later creating the IR theory with Chinese characteristics, is now moving toward establishing the “Shanghai School”. Predicated on the idea of “symbiosis”, the emerging “Shanghai School” has been developing a set of theories and methodologies which are centered on “international symbiosis” and surrounded by the issues of transition of international system, global governance, and the likes. Shanghai School is highly open and inclusive with a grand historic vision, and committed to a comprehensive probing of the interrelations of all issues in international relations in order to contribute to the work of general diplomacy of China and local development of Shanghai. It will take a long time before “Shanghai School” will have genuinely taken shape, given the facts that a core theoretic system has yet to come true and further improved, and its methodology is not yet strong enough, and nor are its research platform and its research team. Therefore, for the future construction of Shanghai School, it will need to develop a core theory system involving “international symbiosis”, to follow the “symbiosis” ingredient to develop a multidisciplinary and multi-method research, to build a strong and sustainable research platform, and to build up a strong research team and a talent pool as well.

    The Tsinghua Approach and the Future Direction of Chinese International Relations Research

    XU Jing and SUN Xuefeng

    The Tsinghua Team led by Professor Yan Xuetong made excellent achievements on the research of Pre-Qin inter-state political thoughts and traditional inter-state relations of East Asia. Its endeavor has drawn attention from abroad. A scholar from an Australian university named it Tsinghua Approach and presented three features of this approach: its motivation originates in a desire to enrich modern IR theory and draw policy lessons for Chinas rise today; it seeks to do so by drawing on Chinas political thoughts from the golden age of Chinese philosophy in the Pre-Qin period; it applies Yans own brand of scientific method to the analysis of ancient Chinese thoughts. Actually, One Approach, Two Directions will be more suitable for describing the teams research because the team members focus on traditional Chinese political thoughts and Chinese history simultaneously. This article tries to respond to recent criticisms and comments and probe some possible future research directions. The problem of Tsinghua Approach lies in how to conduct positive research by applying traditional Chinese thoughts and practice to the analysis of contemporary international affairs; how to refine one or several core concepts to bridge the political thoughts and history; how to integrate the concepts, thoughts and history into a new international relations theory. If the Tsinghua Team wants to upgrade Tsinghua Approach to Tsinghua School, we advise the Tsinghua Team to systemize and theorize the so called new international norms (fairness, justice and civilization) and try to put forward the core concepts of moral realism.

    The Epistemology of “China Model”:

    The Hermeneutic Framework of Chinas Rise

    TAO Shaoxing

    “China Model” is a term with many meanings. To avoid falling into a trap of the terms disputing, it is necessary to analyze “China Model” logically so as to clarify the perimeters of theoretical exploration. From the philosophical perspective, “China Model” can be divided into three levels: the first level is the ontology of “China Model”, the second level is the epistemology of “China Model”, and the third level is the axiology of “China Model”. All the three levels can be defined through their first concept—“Chinas Rise”. Accordingly, the study of “China Model” can be divided into three stages: the first stage is to confirm the objective existence of the ontology of “China Model”; the second stage is to rectify the epistemology of “China Model”; and the third stage is to elucidate the worldwide significance of the axiology of “China Model”. From the perspective of ontology, as a stubborn fact, “China Model” is an objective existence. From the perspective of epistemology, the construction of “China Model” is to build the hermeneutic framework of Chinas Rise and propose Chinese thought consisting with our comprehensive national strength, which can be understood as Marxism with the Chinese style. From the perspective of axiology, “China Model” provides the Third World countries, suffering from little development, with the source of their thinking, and also provides developed countries, which suffer from their development, with the new values.

    Internationalization of the Renminbi:

    Strategical Rethinking and Beyond

    GUO Jianwei and QIAN Yun

    For more than three decades, the Chinese economic growth has continued and sustained, and resulted in the second biggest economy in the world. Then the internationalization of the renminbi has been raised, and there is also some optimism about the internationalization process. However, the focus of domestic and foreign academic research falls mainly on economic and financial factors, while overlooking other factors such as politics and military. By studying the history of the internationalization of the dollar, sterling, mark, euro and Japanese yen, we found that the currency internationalization of a great power is a systemic project, which is affected not only by its economic scale but also by political and military factors. In this regard, the paper has the following strategic rethinking: the government of China lacks a national strategy on the internationalization of the renminbi; the political and military factors have been overlooked; the chronicality and complicateness of the internationalization process has been ignored; and the microeconomic and financial foundation has also been underestimated. According to the analysis above, the authorities should employ the systemic and complete strategy to successfully promote the internationalization of the renminbi, which includes outlining a national strategic blueprint, strengthening military power and readjusting Chinese foreign policy, taking seriously the daunting and complicated task of the internationalization, widening international usage of the renminbi and building a strong micro-foundation.

    Solutions to the Kashmir Dispute Based on the New Asian Security Concept

    WANG Weihua

    Since the partition of British India in 1947, the Kashmir dispute has always been the core problem in Indo-Pak relations. Wars and conflicts occurred occasionally, which not only hinder the normal development of relations between India and Pakistan, but also pose a great threat to regional security and stability. In order to resolve the Kashmir dispute, the stakeholders put forward many solutions, the most notable of which include throught Indo-Pak bilateral negotiations, a UN referendum, or external interventions. Besides the inherent complexity of the dispute, the widening gap in national strength between India and Pakistan and the resultant significant change in cognition and attitude of both sides have exacerbated the dispute, rendering the above three solutions insufficient. Therefore, based on the reality, to find a reasonable solution is the common expectation of India, Pakistan and the international community. The New Asian Security Concept advocated by China may provide a possible regional solution to the Kashmir dispute and therefore be worthy of attention from India and Pakistan, because it breaks the limitation of traditional security concepts and puts forward a new one, which seeks common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security in Asia.

    U.S. Anxieties over Global Strategic Commons:

    Impacts and Chinas Repartee

    WU Chunsi

    Different from conventional studies on global governance, U.S. policy discussion on “commons” tends to consider the issue from a strategic and military perspective, which at the same time bespeaks U.S. strategic concerns over the issue. However, the U.S. concern seems to have little supporting evidence. The U.S. actually has substantial and even all-round strength superiority over other powers in sea, air, outer space and cyber space, which are defined by the U.S. as the global strategic commons. Thus, the U.S. anxieties over global strategic commons to some degree result from psychological suspicions. On one side, in the second decade of the 21st century, the center of gravity of U.S. national security strategy has been moving from global affairs such as anti-terrorism and preventing the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction to forestalling challenges from emerging powers to U.S. global leadership. On the other side, with the steady decline of overall power and the growing strains on global distribution of strategic resources, the U.S. relies even more on global strategic commons, the so-called pillars for the U.S. to maintain its global leadership. The U.S. views Chinas comprehensive development in the domains of sea, air, outer space and cyber space as a potential threat to U.S. monopolized and ruling utilization of global strategic commons, and tends to contain China. China needs to see through the U.S. strategy on global strategic commons, and on the basis of managing U.S. anxieties and strategic suspicions, develops a set of effective measures to shape a positive China-U.S. relationship and a just and equitable order in global strategic commons.

    The Evolution of Outer Space Law Theories from the Perspective of International Game on Space Diplomacy and Chinas Strategy

    FENG Guodong

    Outer space is the fourth space after land, sea and air for human. Regulations on outer space have been adopted since the first satellite was launched. In the following 60 years, we experienced the treaty law period, soft law period and post-soft law period, which represented the three historic games between the US and the USSR, the developed and developing countries in aerospace as well as the Euro-America and the emerging countries respectively. Focused on the establishment of outer space legal order, countries around the world produced a lot of outer space law theories with international influence. After more than 50 years of development, the industry of aerospace in China has achieved great success that attracts worldwide attention. However, the study of outer space law in China is still relatively backward. In the third round of game on international outer space diplomacy, facing the challenges from American and European theories on outer space such as security barrier, security defense and sustainable development , Chinese outer space law community should cope with the challenges actively and make a detailed analysis on the legal theories ranging from common but differentiated responsibilities, fair and non-discriminatory competition, space debris reduction to resource sharing on space debris data so as to deeply participate in the establishment of the new order of International Space Law.

    The Space Security Governance:

    The Status Quo, Problems and Way Out

    HE Qisong

    The nature of outer space as global commons identified by the Outer Space Treaty is facing increasingly grave challenges. On one hand, international politics, military, economy and society are increasingly dependent on the exploration of space. And on the other, the space technology is becoming the booster of a nations economic development, the multiplier of a nations military strength, the enabler of a nations military strategy and a nations security strategy, and the displayer of a nations soft power. As space activities become more frequent, space begins to take on the features typical of the “tragedy of the commons” and the space security issue is becoming increasingly salient in general, and in particular, the space environment is deteriorating. Besides, the space resource is in short supply and threatened by space weaponization, which are in urgent need of governance by international society. For that matter, international society has advanced many initiatives of governance, made fairly considerable efforts and reached partial achievements, though it will take strenuous efforts to realize the goal of comprehensive governance of space security. Since the space technology is both civil and military by nature, there are countries that hope to use the space technology to upgrade military strength, which in turn can be used as a leverage for maintaining hegemony or against it, hence stopping the international community from reaching consensus on the space security governance. Therefore, international cooperation is the only way for effective space security governance, which not only can alleviate space resource shortage, but also help to address the space environment problem, and even more so to ban space weaponization, to set up mechanisms of space transparency and confidence building and to ensure sustainable utilization of space.

    Global Cyber Norms:

    A New Field of Competition for Major Powers

    LANG Ping

    As the internet plays an increasingly prominent role in national development and security, the high dependence on the internet and the mounting sense of insecurity have also become a source of international conflicts, especially among major powers. However, the lack of global cyber norms means there is no rule for countries to follow in cyberspace, which has made the development of cyber norms an urgent issue for international society. While countries are more likely to cooperate on cyber crimes and cyber terrorism, they still hold conflicting interests on cyber war norms and responses to low-profile cyber conflicts. The games in developing cyber norms can be seen on three levels: technology, security and countermeasures, with the US and Europe competing for the dominance of the Internet, and Russia and China confronting the Western countries in cyber governance theories and approaches. At the current stage of norm emergence, there are still many difficulties and challenges to deal with; nevertheless, it will be a more effective route to clarify the bottom line of each country and start from the common ground. As an emerging power, China should proactively participate in the rule-making process on various international platforms, develop international cooperation and assume more responsibilities, and promote the sustainable development of the internet while ensure Chinas cyber security.

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