The U.S. Policy in the Indian Ocean and Its Implications for China

Shi Hongyuan

The 21st century is an oceanic century. With the increasing importance of the seas, countries around the world are stepping up their rivalries for maritime rights. In addition to military targets, strategic spots and strait passages, countries are now contending for economic interests and maritime resources.The development of seapower and military activities are revealing the military tendency of“the ocean restraining the land.”In this context, the Indian Ocean, as the third largest ocean in the world, is becoming a new world geopolitical center for contention among major powers. It is a superb geographic space, rich natural resources and with a critical sea-line. In order to maintain their strategic interests in the Indian Ocean, great powers, including the United States, the world’s sole superpower, are formulating or readjusting their policies toward the Indian Ocean.

I.Surge of the Strategic Position of the Indian Ocean

The Indian Ocean is located between Asia, Oceania, Africa and Antarctica. It is both a sea bridge connecting the four continents and a transportation hub linking the Atlantic and Pacific, with the nearest average distance from the four continents or the four oceans.

Rich in natural resources, this geographical space contains 62% of the world’s proven oil reserves and 35% of its gas. In addition, oil and gas are also found on the continental shelf of Australia, in the Bay of Bengal, the Red Sea, the Arabian Sea, the seas off east Africa and Madagascar’s shore. In terms of strategic metals, manganese reserves in the Indian Ocean region account for 85% of the world’s total supply; vanadium,60%; chrome, 86%; uranium, over 50%; and the region ranks first in terms of global iron reserves.

The Indian Ocean is an area with most concentrated international key water passages, with more straits and passages than any other ocean. Of the“five keys unlocking the world,”the Indian Ocean holds three - the Suez Canal,the Strait of Malacca and the Cape of Good Hope. Each year, up to 100,000 vessels pass through the Indian Ocean,including two thirds of the world’s oil tankers, and one third of large cargo ships and container ships. An annual two-way international trade through the Indian Ocean accounts for one trillion U.S. dollars. Among the strategic passes of the Indian Ocean, the Strait of Malacca and the Strait of Hormuz are especially important. In fact, the U.S. Energy Information Administration describes the Malacca Strait as a“World Oil Chokepoint”where around 15 million barrels of oil are shipped through the strait.

Alongside the shift of international strategic, economic and political gravity to the Asia-Pacific region, great powers are also transferring their attention from the Atlantic-Pacific region to the Pacific-Indian Ocean region. The Indian Ocean,by virtue of its indispensable resources and geo-strategic values, has increasingly become another major battlefield for power rivalries. As early as 100 years ago, Mahan, founder of the“Sea Power”theory, had already pointed out,“Whoever controls the Indian Ocean dominates Asia. The ocean is the key to seven seas.”In the 21st century the destiny of the world will be decided on its waters.

Realizing the growing importance of the Indian Ocean, the United States has started to readjust its Indian Ocean policy.In a number of official documents, the United States has declared its will to reinforce its presence in the Indian Ocean.In 2007, the U.S. military unveiled a new maritime strategy to reposition key task areas of U.S. Navy and maritime corps from the traditional Atlantic and Pacific to the Pacific and Indian Ocean, and to deploy sufficient military force to deter or defeat any adversary countries. The 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review report, the National Security Strategy and the new Joint Command Plan have all put the Indian Ocean as the top priority of the U.S. strategic program. The Quadrennial Defense Review report gives priority to maintaining the stability of the Greater Middle East and South Asia region as well as the U.S. interests in these two regions, which are geographically close to the Indian Ocean. The report notes:“The United States has a substantial interest in the stability of the Indian Ocean region as a whole, which will play an ever more important role in the global economy. The Indian Ocean provides vital sea lines of communication that are essential to global commerce, international energy security,and regional stability ... An assessment that includes U.S.national interests, objectives, and posture implications would provide a useful guide for future defense planning.”In the report entitled“Sustaining U.S. Global Leadership: Priorities for 21st Century Defense,”published in January 2012, the U.S. re-emphasizes the importance of the Indian Ocean:“U.S.economic and security interests are inextricably linked to developments in the arc extending from the Western Pacific and East Asia into the Indian Ocean region and South Asia,creating a mix of evolving challenges and opportunities.”

II. U.S. Strategic Interests in the Indian Ocean

The U.S. government and scholars have claimed that the U.S.has a variety of interests in the Indian Ocean, which involve politics, economics, security, environment and resources.Actually, the U.S. strategic interests in the Indian Ocean may be summarized as the following:

Firstly, they must ensure free and secure access to the Indian Ocean as an international commercial route.American naval analysts have recently noted,“As the world’s greatest trading nation, the U.S. economy ... would not be so prosperous or dynamic were American or foreignflagged shipping unable to use the world’s oceans at will,free from restriction and interference.”The U.S. government also maintains that global security and prosperity depend on free access of cargo and information via ocean and air.Considering that 90% of world cargo will be transported through the ocean, the majority of which will be transported through the Indian Ocean, it is of overwhelming significance for the U.S. to ensure free transportation throughout the Indian Ocean in a sustained, free and secure way. Twentytwo percent of America’s oil imports and more than 50 strategic minerals on which the United States relies come from or transit the littoral region. Despite the fact that the U.S. does not depend on the Indian Ocean heavily per se, its allies and key partners such as Japan, Korea, Thailand, the Philippines, Indian and Singapore are extremely dependent on the energy that is shipped through the Indian Ocean. Any interruption of that highway would have a devastating impact on the global economy and on Asian stability, potentially provoking security reactions by China or other powerful East Asian states that would be deleterious to U.S. interests. In this regard, the report titled“A Cooperative Strategy for 21st Century Seapower”released in 2007 points out that“credible combat power will be continuously postured in the Western Pacific and the Arabian Gulf/Indian Ocean to protect [U.S.]vital interests, assure our friends and allies of our continuing commitment to regional security, and deter and dissuade potential adversaries and peer competitors.... We will not permit conditions under which our maritime forces would be impeded from freedom of maneuver and freedom of access,nor will we permit an adversary to disrupt the global supply chain by attempting to block vital sea-lines of communication and commerce.”

Secondly, the U.S. is seeking to control Middle Eastern oil.For the U.S. economy, oil is the most critical resource,as it supplies around 40 percent of U.S. demand for energy.Given the huge gap between demand and output, energy security has always been a top priority of successive U.S.administrations. The Persian Gulf boasts the most plentiful oil resources in the world, and it is the most important energy supplier in the world. Controlling oil in this region can effectively assuage the energy problem in the U.S.. In recent years, oil imported from the Persian Gulf accounts for merely 16% of the total oil imports to the U.S., and Saudi Arabia is the third largest oil supplier to the U.S.. Although Saudi Arabia is after Canada and Mexico in terms of the amount of oil it supplies to the U.S., An interruption of the oil supply from Saudi Arabia would pull down 3 percent of the U.S. GDP- more devastating than Canada and Mexico. For this reason,many organizations, groups and experts in the United States have warned that despite the fact that the U.S. does not import much oil directly from the Persian Gulf, any breakdown of oil supply to the industrialized nations would produce severe consequences. In the context of the deepening globalization and growing interdependency between countries, such a breakdown of oil supply from the Persian Gulf would execute a huge blow to the U.S. and world economies. Moreover, U.S.strategists have argued that the more important implication of controlling the Persian Gulf oil lies in that it can help the U.S. hold a dominant position in the global energy structure,exert influence to important energy importing countries,and impose U.S. will on these countries to the effect that they dare not easily challenge the United States. This is an important cause of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003. Under the camouflage of anti-terrorism, the U.S. accused the Saddam regime of contacting terrorist organizations and attempting to develop weapons of mass destruction. But in the eyes of most analysts, the war’s underlying purpose was to control the oil in the Persian Gulf, and as a result control the world energy architecture.

Third, the U.S. will deter any country unfriendly to the U.S. from controlling the Indian Ocean, especially the strategic passages of the Indian Ocean.In the eyes of the United States, there are two strategic passages in the Indian Ocean. One is the passageway from the Malacca Strait to the South China Sea, which is extremely important in containing China’s rise; and the other is the Hormuz Strait, also very important in countering Iran. The United States has always been concerned over the growing strength of China in the Asia Pacific region, claiming that China’s rise will inevitably challenge U.S. strategic interests in the region:“Over the long term, China’s emergence as a regional power will have the potential to affect the U.S. economy and our security in a variety of ways. The growth of China’s military power must be accompanied by greater clarity of its strategic intentions in order to avoid causing friction in the region.”Some American scholars argued that from Southeast Asia to the eastern shore of Africa, China has not only obtained energy, but also improved its influence in this region. It is predictable that, alongside China’s increasing economic influence over local governments, China will obtain power from unofficial channels which will greatly improve the Chinese navy’s capacity to launch attacks in the Indian Ocean.“Deployment of PLAN warships to conduct counter piracy operations off Somalia beginning in late 2008 showed that Beijing had developed at least a limited capacity to project and sustain maritime power far from home, increased its familiarity with Indian Ocean operating conditions and multinational maritime interception operations, and no doubt bolstered China’s visibility and prestige.”Upon the above judgments,some American scholars proposed to impede China from controlling the Indian Ocean. The United States must remain wary of China’s efforts to restore its supremacy in the region.If China’s ancient mariner supplies Beijing a way to apply soft power, he also provides the United States with a measuring stick for China’s intentions. Assuming that the United States wants to preserve its own preeminence in Asia, it must watch for signs that China is deviating from the beneficent purposes embodied in its Zheng He diplomacy.

In the western part of the Indian Ocean, the United States’main containment target is Iran. Since the Islamic revolution occurred in Iran in 1979, U.S.-Iran relations have remained strained. The U.S. overrides Iran in comprehensive strength,but Iran controls the Hormuz Strait, which is the most important strategic and economic passageway in the world and is relevant to the security of world energy transportation and the gulf region. Iran is capable of deploying torpedoes,anti-ship cruise missiles, and attack submarines in these waters, thus posing great threats to U.S. troops stationed in the Gulf, U.S. allies, and maritime transport. As former Commander of the U.S. Central Command Admiral William Fallon has noted,“Iran maintains the capability to interdict sea lanes of communication throughout the Arabian Gulf…Given Iran’s current naval forces capability, Iran could attempt to temporarily close the Strait of Hormuz for a short period, principally using naval mines and coastal defense forces.”In December 2011, in a tit for tat battle against U.S.sanctions, Iran threatened to blockade the Strait of Hormuz.This further increased concerns in the United States. For the United States, in any case it would like to prevent Iran from dominating the Indian Ocean, especially the Persian Gulf, to avoid endangering the strategic interests of the United States and its allies.

Fourth, the U.S. is seeking to cope with non-traditional security threats.The Indian Ocean is a region in which non-traditional security incidents frequently occur. There are many so-called“failed states”in the region, which extend from Southeast Asia to South Asia, the Middle East to the east coast of Africa. These countries, mostly in turbulence, breed a large number of non-traditional security threats. Foreign Policy magazine’s 2010 index of failed states included nine littoral states in its top twenty-five. Somalia ranks the first among these“failed state.”According to statistics, 19% of the countries in the region are experiencing varying degrees of armed conflict; 31% of countries have varying degrees of terrorist threats and some are bases for major terrorist groupings, such as AQAP in Yemen; 33% of countries are threatened by piracy in adjacent international waters or armed robbery at sea inside their own territorial waters; 39%of countries in the Indian Ocean region have governments that exhibit some degree of political risk, while several have serious domestic sociopolitical instability, such as Pakistan,Yemen and Somalia; 53% of countries still have persistent maritime territorial disputes with neighboring states; and 56% of countries in the region are threatened by the illicit trafficking of arms, narcotics or people, either as sources,conduits or as destinations. This is the single largest security problem for the region, and one of the most problematic to limit, let alone to prevent. In addition, the Indian Ocean is a region with frequent natural disasters - around 70 percent of the world’s natural disasters have occurred in the Indian Ocean region. More importantly, the Indian Ocean is the place where the two major Islamic extremist areas converge— Islamic extremism in Southeast Asia and that in the Middle East. Accordingly, a critic called the Indian Ocean the“Lake of Islamic Terrorism.”

The U.S. has long been victim of terrorism. In recent years, the harms brought by the Indian Ocean pirates are mounting. According to a report by the International Maritime Bureau, from 2003 to 2008, 66.34% of world piracy attacks and armed hijackings occurred in the Indian Ocean region.And the figure was 73% in 2009, 64% in 2010 and 65.6%in 2011. From 2008-2010, shippers paid over $178 million in pirate ransoms - the average pirate ransom increased 36 times. Over the past three years, the number of Somali pirate attacks against American and allied ships have increased by 309%. Pirates show no reluctance to attack American ships, including the M/V Maersk Alabama and S/V Quest,where pirates murdered four Americans onboard. Pirates also succeeded in attacking large oil tankers bound for the United States, most recently the M/T Irene, released in April 2011, after a record $11 million ransom. The United States attaches great importance to piracy. It claimed in the National Maritime Security Strategy of 2005 that the peace and economic security of America depends on the safe use of the world’s oceans, while organized and well-equipped pirates and crime groups are posing threats to international maritime security. To cope with this threat, in June 2007, the Bush Administration released the Policy for the Repression of Piracy and other Criminal Acts of Violence at Sea.

III. U.S. Policy toward the Indian Ocean

To achieve these goals, and prevent the impairment of its interests, the United States has adopted a number of measures. Together, these actions constitute the U.S. policy on the issue.

First, the U.S. is trying to actively shape India’s leadership role in the region and the world.During the Cold War period,the United States and India generally experienced relatively cold relations between them. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi made it clear that India was opposed to the establishment of foreign military bases, and believed that the Indian Ocean should be peaceful area, free from any kind of military base.In the words of one Indian foreign minister, Diego Garcia“epitomized U.S. imperialistic tendencies and neo-colonial policies, which were characterized as a significant threat to regional peace.”With the lifting of Cold War geopolitical constraints as well as the readjustment of Indian foreign policy,U.S.-Indian relations have seen significant improvement,especially after President Bill Clinton’s landmark visit to India in 2000. The Bush administration clearly stated that it would like to help India become a major power in the 21st century.President Obama followed the tune of his predecessor, but further pulled bilateral ties closer than ever. President Obama issued a statement asserting that,“Our rapidly growing and deepening friendship with India offers benefits to all the world’s citizens”and that the people of India“should know they have no better friend and partner than the people of the United States.”As far as the Indian Ocean is concerned, India showed a varied attitude towards the U.S. military base in Diego Garcia. Indian strategists are well aware that in the next several decades, the U.S. will continue to remain the world’s number one military and economic power, the main force in maintaining international order. This stability is requisite for the rapid growth of the Indian economy and its overall national strength. Therefore, in the current period, India views U.S. military activities in the Indian Oceans as an important stabilizing factor to the situation in the Indian Ocean, and it accepts the existence of the Diego Garcia military base,seeing it as an important center for the U.S. to play a role in the Indian Ocean. More than that, the U.S. and India held joint military exercises in Diego Garcia in 2001 and 2004.Accordingly, the U.S. recognizes India’s important position in the Indian Ocean region, regarding it as the main force in preserving peace and stability in the Indian Ocean and its surrounding area. A U.S. scholar noted,“The United States has lately improved its relationship with India, and it should continue to do so. Continuing this progress will allow the United States to have a powerful and strategically located ally in the Indian Ocean region, help the United States advance its interests in the Indian Ocean region.”Taking note of India’s growing influence in global affairs, U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates said that India is a strategic partner and“a net provider of security in the Indian Ocean and beyond.”

Secondly, the U.S. wants to vigorously develop friendly relations with important countries in Southeast Asia and the Middle East.Among Southeastern Asian countries, the United States really values developing and elevating relations with Indonesia. The Obama administration views Indonesia as an important opportunity to improve U.S. security in Asia, as Indonesia is the largest country in ASEAN with its population ranking fourth in the world. It is also a G20 member and a democracy, and it will surely become an increasingly important partner of the United States in coping with global and regional issues such as anti-terrorism, anti-piracy, peacekeeping and disaster-relief. On top of that, Indonesia is very important for its strategic location. It comes close to the Indian Ocean and controls the Malacca Strait, a crucial passage for China’s oil imports, which leaves Indonesia in a strategic position to influence the maritime transportation security of China. The U.S. believes that developing relations with Indonesia will be favorable for the United States in countering China. As for the significance of Indonesia, Samuel Huntington predicted that Indonesia’s cultural identity as an independent maritime empire and Vietnam’s national identity forged during 5,000 years of resistance to Chinese imperial authority mean that these two states, along with India and Japan, are most likely to balance Chinese power in a future Sino-centric Asian order. As a matter of fact, U.S.-Indonesian relations have seen significant progress in recent years. Indonesia was among the countries that Hillary Clinton visited first after she was appointed Secretary of State, signaling America’s recognition of Indonesia as an important rising power in Asia.In the 2010 Quadrennial Defense Review report, the United States expressed its willingness to establish a solid strategic partnership with Indonesia, with a view to addressing the terrorism, drug trafficking and humanitarian relief in the region. In his visit to Indonesia in November 2010, President Obama reaffirmed his commitment to strengthening relations with the country.

Saudi Arabia is now the most important U.S. ally in the Gulf,and it will remain so as long as Iraq’s political and strategic alignments are uncertain. Both the United States and Saudi Arabia have a common interest in dealing with the challenges of terrorism, the problems posed by Yemen, and the growing instability in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea. The U.S.and Saudi Arabia share a common interest in limiting and containing Iran and in ensuring the security of the Gulf and the stable flow of Gulf oil exports. On December 2011, the United States and Saudi Arabia signed a $29.4 billion arms sale, which is part of a 10-year, $60 billion weapons package for Saudi Arabia. Though the White House said the deal had not been accelerated to respond to threats by Iranian officials in recent days to shut off the Strait of Hormuz,“This sale will send a strong message to countries in the region that the United States is committed to stability in the Gulf and the broader Middle East.”A Saudi official, speaking on a condition of anonymity, added that“When you look at the size of this package, what does it tell you about U.S.-Saudi relations? It says it’s very strong and very solid. Any disagreements from time to time don’t affect the core relationship.”

In addition, the U.S. is also actively developing Singapore and Bahrain in the Indian Ocean coast to become more important countries. Given Australia’s strength and the country’s traditionally friendly relations with the United States, the United States rely heavily on Australia in the southern Indian Ocean region.

Thirdly, the U.S. wants to consolidate and strengthen the role of the Diego Garcia military base.The U.S. military base in Diego Garcia lies in the Central Indian Ocean and crucially connects the Central, Pacific, Africa command headquarters. It is one of the most important U.S. military bases in the world. Moreover, Diego Garcia is adjacent to major transportation lines in the Indian Ocean, and it controls the Indian Ocean and Western Pacific sea lines of communication,straits and vast waters. The U.S. can launch attacks in the eastern and western directions to support its military actions in the Asia-Pacific and the Middle East. The base has played an important role in the victories of the Gulf, Afghanistan and Iraq wars. For this reason, the United States calls Diego Garcia an“unsinkable aircraft carrier”in the Indian Ocean,and it sees the base as the most important military base for air and sea operations and logistical support in the Pacific and Indian Ocean. As Admiral John McCain noted,“As Malta is to the Mediterranean, Diego Garcia is to the Indian Ocean- equidistant from all points.”National security analyst John Pike regards Diego Garcia as“the single most important military facility [that the United States has].”In his view,“it’s the base from which [the United States] control[s] half of Africa and the southern side of Asia, the southern side of Eurasia,”as well as“the facility that at the end of the day gives [the United States]some say-so in the Persian Gulf region. If it didn’t exist, it would have to be invented.”Some U.S. analysts clarify its importance from the perspective of containing China.“Today,apart from U.S. military assets located further north in Japan and South Korea, only Diego Garcia and Guam remain as purely dedicated Western military bases nearest to China’s oil supply route from the Middle East, through the Indian Ocean,the Malacca Strait, the Nan Hai and from other oil import sources in Africa. To give full play to the base, by 2013, the four phase construction projects, which commenced in 2008,totaling in excess of US$232 million, will transform the island into a superior fully-fledged naval base and logistical hub so as to achieve“fullest capability soonest.”

Fourthly, the U.S. seeks to lead or participate in bilateral or multilateral actions to cope with non-traditional se-curity threats.In response to non-traditional security threats in the Indian Ocean, the United States often holds bilateral or multilateral military exercises together with countries such as Indonesia, Singapore, India, Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia.These military exercises involve anti-terrorism, combating piracy, humanitarian assistance, and peacekeeping operations against drug trafficking. In the fight against terrorism, the United States is the de facto leader of the Indian Ocean region,which was fully demonstrated in the Afghan and Iraq wars. In the fight against piracy, the United States issued“Countering Piracy off the Horn of Africa: Partnership, and Action Plan”in January 2009, calling on all sectors in the United States to actively support the nation’s anti-piracy policy. On the Security Council resolution against Somali pirates, the United States also delivered its support. In actual operations, the United States not only participated in the NATO-led“Atlantic Shield Action,”but also played a leadership role in forming the joint special mixed fleet of 151 (CTF-151), whose single task is to carry out counter-piracy operations in the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean off Somalia. At present, the Joint Special Task Force 151 is one of the main convoys in Somali waters.

IV. Influences on China

With a strong tint of containing China, the U.S. policy toward the Indian Ocean is to control the Indian Ocean and maintain its dominant position in the Asia Pacific region. It has no doubt brought some negative impacts to China.

First, the policy constitutes a threat to China’s maritime transportation security.The Indian Ocean has crucial relevance to China’s maritime transportation. For China, the majority of oil and gas imports come from the Middle East and Africa, while most of its mineral resources are imported from African countries in the West and South America and Australia in the East. The New Maritime Silk Road, a maritime route stretching from the Arab Peninsula to the West Pacific and overlapping with the Indian Ocean, is a crucial maritime route for China’s strategic resource imports and overseas trade. To be specific, 50 percent of China’s oil imports are shipped along this route from the Persian Gulf via the North Indian Ocean and through the Malacca Strait; 30 percent of oil imports are shipped from West Africa and Southeast Africa via the South Indian Ocean and through the Malacca Strait. The U.S. Energy Information Administration predicts that by 2035, China’s crude oil imports will account for 70-80% of its total crude oil imports. Moreover, China’s import of other strategic resources such as iron ore, manganese ore, bauxite, chrome, and other non-ferrous metal imports mainly pass through the Indian Ocean. In general, 40 percent of China’s exports and imports are transported through the Indian Ocean, which indicates that if its transport route in the Indian Ocean is interrupted, China’s economy and security will be greatly affected. On the surface, the United States has repeatedly stressed that its primary task in the Indian Ocean is to ensure the smooth flow of maritime transport. However,given the strong precaution of the U.S. against China, it is difficult to be sure that the U.S. would not utilize the Indian Ocean transport line to blackmail China some future scenario.

Second, it goes against China’s overall plan to improve relations with countries in the Indian Ocean region,especially India.To curb China, the United Stats has been building alliances with maritime powers in the Indian Ocean region or keeping friendly relations, which it sees as advantageous for the following reasons. First, it helps to dissuade China and other external powers from seeking parity over India alone, thus securing the highway; second, it provides an arena outside of Beijing’s most sensitive areas of core interest to demonstrate that Chinese assertiveness will beget counteralignment strategies by other states in the region; and third,it creates capacity and norms for security cooperation that will discourage unilateral power plays in response to piracy,terrorism, or other littoral challenges in the Indian Ocean by China or other major powers. The U.S. in particular intends to take advantage of India—the strongest country in the Indian Ocean region. A senior U.S. official has clearly stated the“China is the central element for the U.S. to encourage India to emerge as a world power. Regarding China, Washington has been hopeful that a durable strategic partnership with New Delhi will take shape. The Obama administration’s hedging strategy is creating conditions that make India an integral element in the U.S. defense posture in Asia. If China’s rise becomes destabilizing, the traditional U.S. line of thinking goes that the United States should have a strong alliance with India in place to balance Chinese expansionism. The U.S.’s actions are thus negative to China in developing friendly relations with the countries in the Indian Ocean region, especially India.Given the complicated China-India relations, India has always been wary of Chinese activities in the Indian Ocean, and it is unhappy with the exchanges between China and the countries in the Indian Ocean region. India fears that China’s political influence, military modernization and forward basing strategy will be used to contain India as China ascends as the preeminent Asian power. They fear that Chinese intentions are combative, power-seeking and against peaceful co-existence.Indian leaders further speculate that China is trying to rapidly ascend as the world’s new hegemon in the Indian Ocean, while it enjoys a position of strength. They comprehend China’s strategies as opportunistic, arising from weak and ineffective Indian attempts at deterrence and balancing. Retired Indian Vice Admiral P.S. Das warns starkly:“China is not yet on the scene but given the pace of its naval modernization, energy interests and quite clearly articulated goals, it is inevitable that it will seek to be an IO [Indian Ocean] player before long[emphasis added]. Its port building activities at Gwadar in Pakistan, at Sittwe in Myanmar and at Hambantota in Sri Lanka can be harbingers of what may lie ahead. It already has listening posts in Coco Islands, in immediate proximity of the Andaman Islands, which it is seeking to modernize. We have to watch these developments carefully.”India will not align with the U.S. with respect to its diplomatic style and tradition,but this does not necessarily mean that India will not make use of U.S. power to balance China and raise its negotiation prices when it deals with China, thus putting China into a negative situation.

Third, the U.S. policies further complicates the situation in the South China Sea.The South China Sea functions as the throat of the Western Pacific and Indian Oceans. The United States claims that it has a deep and abiding interest in the South China Sea, and its policy toward the Indian Ocean often covers the South China Sea. In the eyes of the United States, China continues to challenge this openness, both by questioning historical maritime norms and by developing military capabilities that allow it to threaten access to this maritime region. Now that the decades-old system fostered by the United States is being called into question by a rising China, the South China Sea will be the strategic bellwether for determining the future of U.S. leadership in the Asia-Pacific region. Secretary Clinton’s recent assertive statements that the U.S. and ASEAN will not be bullied by Chinese naval encroachment sends a strong message to Southeast Asian countries that the U.S. is not only serious about this region of the world but also that the U.S. is pursuing improved relations and interactions with Southeast Asian countries. American intervention in the South Chin Sea is bound to make the two countries bilateral relations, as well as the regional stability,more complex.

V. Conclusion

As the Indian Ocean gains in strategic value, the world’s powers are all attempting to gain a foothold in the region, not to be outdone by any other powers. For the sole superpower the United States, this general situation provides even more reasons for it to hold a prevailing position in the Indian Ocean.Characterized by predominance, exclusion and interference,the United States’policy in the Indian Ocean is to dominate the body of water, contain China’s growing influence in the region, and prevent any challenge to its dominance in the Indian Ocean. This is part of the U.S. strategy of hedging China in the Asia-Pacific region. The United States’intentions and practices have harmed the international environment for China’s peaceful rise, exacerbated the spread of the“China Threat theory,”and increased the pressures on safe maritime transport upon China. As a result, the balance of power in the South China Sea has been interrupted, and the situation in the South China Sea has been further complicated. China will have to face more difficulties in developing relations with the Indian Ocean Rim countries. In the face of this situation,China should be calm and sober-minded, analyze the U.S.intentions and capabilities in the Indian Ocean in an objective and comprehensive way, and accordingly formulate its own policy on the Indian Ocean. It must be prepared to advance and defend its own interests.